RE: whether Grutter  is consistent with other Supreme Court uses of the strict 
scrutiny standard:.

I think it is clear that there has never been a uniform strict scrutiny standard, so I 
don't think anything is new here. Strict scrutiny for First Amendment issues is 
different than for equal protection is different than for substantive due process etc.

And, even within equal protection race cases,  the Bakke strict scrutiny  test  with 
its  "race okay as  a factor"  diverged from the Croson "race ok only used as 
minimally as conceivably possible to achieve narrowly defined goal."  Indeed, probably 
the key UMICh litigation issue was whether  the  Bakke   more deferential scrutiny  
survived Croson/Adarand. Hopwood said it didn't. Grutter made clear that it did.

As to whether a uniform level of deference should apply whenever the  "strict 
scrutiny" label is used, I think it can't if you want to make wise and just decisions. 
Again as O'Connor stated in Grutter "context is everything."

For example, the Croson objective mathematical statistical analysis simply won't work 
for the more subjective fact specific university admission context, unless you turn 
university admissions into a strictly by the numbers game, which the Court has 
consistently rejected.

Croson's government contracting decisions are by their nature  more mathematical  
(lowest bid has to win to avoid patronage problems). Ditto the interest of "remedying 
past discrimination" . You can put a number to it, to some extent, at least as 
narrowly defined by the court. What were the actual depressive effects of City's own 
past discrimination on the number of minority contracts  with the City of Richmond? 
What is the minimum race preference that is needed to reverse those depressive 
effects?  How did one arrive at these numbers?  Were the methods statistically valid? 
Are there less discriminatory means that would achieve those same numbers?   These are 
questions capable, at least theoretically, of numerical proof.

In contrast university admissions decisions are notoriously contextual, factor-based 
decisions. of academic judgment which are hard to review. Is candidate A better than 
candidate B.? How is a court to know? The court must defer to an academic judgment 
based upon expertise of the admissions people.   What number of minority students is 
needed to achieve the educational benefits of diversity? Is this precisely 
quanitifiable without deference to the judgment of academics?   How does a court 
determine the least discriminatory admission method that a school can use to achieve 
diversity without second guessing  the subjective academic judgment of the school as 
to how to best carry out its educational mission? What if your lesser discriminatory 
means have adverse effects on the school's ability to accomplish its other academic 
goals? How is a court to objectively determine whether the school must sacrifice these 
academic goals to use lesser discriminatory means?

So, to rigidly apply Croson to the state's academic judgment here, the court must 
either 1) toss out diversity, 2)  require admissions by the numbers, with either a 
minority quota (bakke), or an automatic numerical diversity boost (Gratz). This way 
the court would have numbers to plug into  its "narrowly tailored" statistical 
analyses. Is the numerical diversity boost larger than necessary to achieve the 
discrete diversity numerical goal?, or 3) require the state to sacrifice its other 
academic missions  if doing so would achieve diversity by "race neutral means" . (this 
is basically the Thomas/Scalia approach - if the school wants to achieve diversity, it 
should be required to sacrifice selectivity, before it can use race as a factor).

None of these approaches work. 1) Seven justices concluded diversity was a compelling 
governmental interest,  so jettisoning it doesn't seem to be an option, 2) The Court 
considers numerical diversity "boosts" even more discriminatory and burdensome for 
nonminorities than the subjective "race as a factor" analysis, and 3) Requiring a 
state to sacrifice its central academic mission  or educational judgment to achieve an 
admittedly compelling governmental goal seems a particularly perverse price to demand. 
Must the state may achieve its  compelling governmental interest only at the expense 
of every other academic and institutional value?  Anyway, where does the Court get the 
expertise to make this call.

Isn't it better  to simply recognize that 1)  the Croson non-deferential narrowly 
statistical analysis simply doesn't fit the subjective academic decisionmaking present 
here, and to require them simply distorts the analysis in perverse ways, and 2) this 
"loosey-goosey" subjective academic decisionmaking, however amorphous, is,  at least 
within reasonable boundaries, the least burdensome means of achieving the compelling 
governmental interest of diversity, 3) judicial deference to academic judgment is is 
warranted, as O'connor noted, where you have no evidence of racist, stereotypical or 
protectionist uses of race, which she posited, the strict scrutiny analysis was 
designed to smoke out.

(Of course, as far as I can tell, for equal protection cases, the Supreme Court has 
only explicitly applied strict scrutiny  to reverse discrimination cases  - socalled 
"benign" discrimination  against white plaintiffs (exception Korematsu, but, then  the 
smoke-out didn't work too well there. Of course, the court ignored evidence of racist 
motives for the internment - among which the Korematus policies' drafter, General de 
Witt was a notorious racist. in any event, using race as one factor in choosing among 
thousands of applicants for a few hundred university seats to which no one applicant 
has any entitlement is obvioulsy a less destructive use of ethnicity race than member 
of a particular national origin  within a five state area in a concentration camp is 
obviously a much more burdensome use of race than
yb





*********************************************
Professor Yvette M. Barksdale
Associate Professor of Law
The  John Marshall Law School
315 S. Plymouth Ct.
Chicago, IL 60604
(312) 427-2737
(email:)  [EMAIL PROTECTED]
*****************************************************


> ----------
> From:         sweetm[SMTP:[EMAIL PROTECTED]
> Reply To:     Discussion list for con law professors
> Sent:         Tuesday, June 24, 2003 10:17 AM
> To:   [EMAIL PROTECTED]
> Subject:           Re: Puzzles re: Grutter and Korematsu
>
> A fairly recent book on the overview on the Court's use of these standards
> (arguing they serve as a gatekeeper function) can be found in: Gerstmann,
> Evan. 1999.   The Constitutional Underclass: Gays, Lesbians and the Failure of
> Class-Based Equal Protection. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
>
> On what the exact components mean, Croson, for example, had a much more
> detailed explanation of what counts as "compelling" (statistical test of
> disparity between available and utilized minority contractors) and "narrowly
> tailored" (5 part test) than do the Bollinger cases. The circuit courts
> following Croson battled it out for unanswered questions (e.g., post-enactment
> evidence, federal gov't vs. states, gender and disability standards, standing)
> until the Court ruled again on some of these questions (Northeastern
> Contractors; Adarand).
>
> These Michigan cases are fairly weak on the details, but there are some vague
> contours there that will be clarified over the next several years at the lower
> court level.
>
>
> On another note, anyone else struck by (troubled) by the reliance on social
> science for the proposition that diversity is a positive in education. If a
> book comes along disputing (skewering) Shape of the River, should Grutter be
> overruled?
>
> Martin J. Sweet
> Dickinson College
>
>
> >===== Original Message From Discussion list for con law professors
> <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> =====>
> >        I have a minor (I hope) question about strict scrutiny and Grutter.
> >Justice O'Connor maintains that the Court should defer to the University
> >regarding whether diversity is essential to the University's educational
> mission.
> >She then denies that this implies that the court's scrutiny is any less
> strict
> >as a result. I seem to recall similar deference in Korematsu. My
> understanding
> >of strict scrutiny is that when the test is applied deference is
> >inappropriate. My question then is this: Is there a general account (or for
> that matter
> >any account at all) of when (how?) deference is permissible when strictly
> >scrutinizing government action.
> >
> >            One quick additional question.  Is there literature specifically
> >examining the justification of judge-made tests such as "strict scrutiny."
> >And, as a reporter asked yesterday, how do we know what the definition of
> >"compelling purpose" or "narrow tailoring" is?   Thanks.
> >
> >
> >Bobby Lipkin
> >Widener University School of Law
> >Delaware
>
> *******************
> Martin J. Sweet
> Assistant Professor
> Department of Political Science
> Dickinson College
> Carlisle, PA 17013
>

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