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From: "William Shannon" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Subject:      [CTRL] The Attempted Coup Against FDR (2 of 2)
Date: Monday, January 14, 2002 5:55 PM

<A 
HREF="http://www.webcom.com/ctka/pr399-fdr.html";>http://www.webcom.com/ctka/pr399-fdr.html</A>



What The Committee Revealed

Not surprisingly, when called as a witness, MacGuire denied any plot. He
claimed he was part of The Committee For Sound Dollar and Sound Currency,
Inc., which was spearheading a lobbying effort on behalf of the Gold
Standard. However, his contradictory testimony and his inability to
satisfactorily explain the large amounts of money which were deposited in
several of his accounts compromised his credibility as a witness. At one
point he said he was acting as purchasing agent of securities for Clark, but
he never produced any evidence that he ever purchased any securities at
all.13 It was also revealed that Clark had sent MacGuire on a trip to
Germany, Italy, Spain, and France allegedly to study �economic� conditions.
But records of the Committee for a Sound Dollar, where MacGuire filed his
reports, indicated he was studying something more. In each of the countries
he met with veterans in paramilitary groups. These were the types of groups
that carried out coups and assassinations in Germany and Italy on behalf of
Hitler and Mussolini. A similar group operated in France, the Croix de Feu,
about which MacGuire wrote this glowing report: "... this French super
organization is composed of about 500,000 men, and each of them was the
leader of 10 others, and that is the kind of organization that we should have
in the United States."14 Finally, Butler�s story was corroborated by
Commander James Van Zandt of the Veterans of Foreign Wars who claimed he was
also approached to lead an insurrection army. It was also alleged by Butler
that MacGuire had guaranteed arms on credit from the Remington Arms Company.
Investigation by the committee revealed that the DuPonts had just bought the
controlling interest in Remington Arms.15

The committee stated in its final report that it found credible evidence of a
contemplated plot to overthrow the elected government with a military coup.
Nevertheless, some alleged co-conspirators (supposedly revealed to Butler by
MacGuire) such as General Hugh Johnson, (who was head of FDR�s National
Recovery Administration), former NY Governor Al Smith and General Douglas
MacArthur were never subpoenaed.16

Media Treatment Of The Plot

The media gave little or scant coverage to the committee�s final report. The
Luce Press, which always led the charge in attacking Roosevelt and bolstering
Fascism, ran a story called "A Plot Without Plotters"17 which sought to
discredit Col. Butler. He was called a "hothead." Other evidence of Butler�s
unsavory character, according to Luce, was that he had once given a speech in
which he criticized Mussolini. His advocacy of the penniless Bonus Veteran
Army was transformed into haranguing. The committee chairmen fared no better
under Luce�s pen. They were accused of only seeking publicity (despite their
having sought to suppress the most explosive parts of their discoveries). The
New York Times showed an astonishing lack of interest. Reference to the
alleged coup was relegated to two paragraphs at the bottom of page five.18
However, not every newspaper discounted the plot. The independent
Philadelphia Record ran a cartoon showing big business pointing to a soapbox
Communist as the threat, while General Butler marches in with evidence
revealing armed Fascists hiding beneath a banker�s coat.19 References to the
alleged conspiracy disappeared from the press. Nevertheless, individual
reporters did attempt to pursue the story. Paul Comley French of the
Philadelphia Record and investigative journalist John Spivak went to the
Justice Department. They asked why no one implicated was ever questioned; and
since MacGuire had perjured himself, did they intend to file criminal
prosecution? The Justice Department indicated it had no plans to carry
matters any further at the moment. MacGuire, the only man who could have
testified against the rest, died soon after of complications from pneumonia.
His physician claimed that his death was partly due to the stress of the
charges made by Butler. Grayson M.P. Murphy, the Morgan banker and treasurer
of the American Liberty League, died soon after.20

Aftermath And Beyond

Although the coup never materialized, the unrelenting propaganda attack
against Roosevelt and the New Deal reforms continued, spearheaded by the
American Liberty League. The League listed as its main contributors the
DuPont family, representatives of the Morgan interests, Robert Sterling
Clark, the Pew Family (Sun Oil), and Rockefeller Associates. Its Treasurer
was Grayson M.P. Murphy, MacGuire�s immediate boss. The League itself was
ostensibly dedicated to the virtues of the Constitution, individual freedom
and free market capitalism. But it claimed that all New Deal reforms were
inspired by Communists within the Roosevelt administration.21 In the election
of 1936, the League spent twice as much money as the Republican Party in
trying to defeat Roosevelt. Although the League disbanded after Roosevelt won
his second term, it spawned a series of extreme right-wing groups and
paramilitary bands which constituted a network that endured through the
1960s, and whose descendants are with us today. Their propaganda was
anti-Communist and anti-Semitic; their tactic was violence. Some groups which
the League financed were the Sentinels of the Republic (which labeled the New
Deal "Jewish Communism"), the Minutemen and the Minutewomen. Another group,
the Southern Committee to Uphold the Constitution, was associated with the
Silver Shirt Squad of the American Storm Troopers. The goals of this
organization, headed by a Texas oil magnate, were to create a mass movement
of whites in the South to dilute Roosevelt�s Dixie vote, and to stir up
anti-black racism in order to attack organizing drives by the unions from the
North. Significantly, these same hate sentiments were being stirred up
against JFK, and for the same reasons. These groups formed the dark underside
to the League, which tried to present a polite public face.22 But some
industrialists, like Henry Ford, had no qualms about explicitness. American
Fascists groups hawked his anti-Semitic tracts like "The International Jew."

The main function of these hate groups was to enforce the will of right-wing
corporate America, seeking to regain the political power it lost in the 1932
election. On the grassroots level, this intention translated into supporting
the efforts of management to stop workers from unionizing. The most glaring
example of this is the struggle at the General Motors plants (General Motors
was owned by the DuPonts). The DuPonts employed the Black Legion, a sort of
Northern Klux Klux Klan, which would terrorize workers, bomb union halls, and
torture and murder organizers. The Legion was organized into arson squads,
execution squads, and anti-Communist squads. Discipline within its own ranks
was maintained with the weapons of torture or death and was strictly
enforced. The LaFollette Committee found that the Legion had penetrated
police departments, high government offices, and the Michigan Republican
Party.23

These groups also acted as intelligence networks. They infiltrated unions,
leftwing groups, and universities, and they sold their information to
industry. One example of such an intelligence agency was the American
Vigilant Intelligence Federation, headquartered in Chicago and operated by
Harry Jung.24 Jung later relocated to New Orleans where he was an associate
of Guy Bannister, who also hailed from Chicago. Banister�s Detective Agency
was spying for right-wing businesses as well. Some believe it may have been
in Jung�s hotel in New Orleans that the famous Congress of Freedom meeting
took place in the Spring of 1963. At this meeting, with Edwin Walker and
Joseph Milteer in attendance, a police informant reported there was talk of
murdering national leaders.

In the Thirties, corporate America�s fear of government regulation threatened
by Roosevelt�s New Deal, ("Socialism" in their minds), gave them a reason to
embrace Fascism. It justified their financing of paramilitary hate groups to
carry out violent, anti-government and anti-union campaigns exploiting the
vehicles of racism, anti-Semitism and anti-Communism. By the Sixties these
groups had become entrenched in the grassroots landscape.

The institutionalization of the military industrial complex and the national
security state, with which corporate America would meld, developed during
World War II and its aftermath. The DuPonts, as well as other industrialists,
implicated in the attempted coup against FDR played a major role in these
developments.

The Nye Committee Hearings to investigate the munitions industry were finally
held in 1935. Committee findings revealed that the DuPonts were heavily
invested in fascist Italy, and had played a major role in the rearming of
Germany.25 According to the Versailles Treaty, which ended WWI, it was
illegal to sell arms to Germany, but the DuPonts lobbied State Department
delegates to the Paris Peace Conference. They finally obtained assurance from
one of the delegates that their business with Germany would be "winked at."
That delegate was Wall Street lawyer Allen Dulles. In addition, the Wall
Street lawyer who represented the DuPonts at the hearings was William
Donovan, who went on to head the Office of Strategic Services (the OSS was
the forerunner of the CIA) during WWII.

In spite of the DuPonts� illegal dealings, no prosecutions were forthcoming
as a result of the Nye committee either. The DuPont family interests
represented the largest holdings in the military industrial complex. DuPont
built and operated the plant for the Manhattan project. They built all the
facilities for atomic bomb production including the facility at Oak Ridge
Tennessee. DuPont technicians and engineers ran the show; and by the Sixties
the DuPonts effectively had control of the whole atomic energy industry.26

The JFK Presidency and the New Deal Legacy

The post war economic boom, coupled with the Democratic Party�s advocacy for
civil rights, encouraged the Republicans to try to win back the voting
coalition of urban ethnic groups, the Dixie vote and the Catholic vote that
Roosevelt had captured.27 But when John F. Kennedy was elected, that chance
evaporated. Kennedy had stopped the Catholic vote on its way back to the
right. In spite of the controversy at the time, the Democrats needed a
Catholic candidate, not a Mafia Don, to secure the election.

When Franklin Delano Roosevelt appointed Joseph Kennedy as Chairman of the
Securities and Exchange Commission, it was payback time. For it was Joseph
Kennedy as chair of the Roosevelt election committee who helped put together
that winning "Roosevelt coalition" of urban ethnic groups and the Catholic
votes of the Northeast. Kennedy and his family had a powerful legacy in the
urban political wards and could deliver that vote. They also elicited the
support of some businessmen who were otherwise suspicious of FDR (Kennedy
even managed to get William Randolph Hearst to support FDR�s first bid for
the Presidency). The Roosevelts and the Kennedys cooperated on other levels
as well. James Roosevelt, the President�s son, was instrumental in securing
British liquor franchises for Joseph Kennedy. Elliot Roosevelt, another son,
served alongside Joseph Kennedy Jr. in WWII. In fact, he was flying the
escort plane when Joseph was shot down.28

The relationship between Kennedy and Roosevelt was not always cordial, but
Kennedy�s isolationism vs. Roosevelt�s internationalism is beyond the scope
of this article.29 Kennedy nevertheless remained a loyal Roosevelt supporter
even after most businessmen abandoned the New Deal ship. By the time
Roosevelt sought his third term, Kennedy had become more critical of FDR,
fostering hope in the business community that he might endorse Wendel Wilkie.
Robert E. Woods of the right-wing America First Committee encouraged Kennedy
to support Wilkie. Kennedy apparently led Woods, and the Luces, to believe he
would shift allegiances. Remember, in 1940 Kennedy was a well-known public
figure, and the nation anxiously awaited his radio address to announce whom
he supported for President. In spite of his contrary posturing, Kennedy
finally supported Roosevelt. Years later, he told Claire Booth Luce, "I
simply made a deal with Roosevelt. We agreed that if I would endorse him for
President in 1940, then he would support my son Joe for Governor of
Massachusetts in 1942."30 So Joseph Kennedy gained the enmity of FDR�s
enemies; he was perceived as a traitor.

In the 1960 campaign, John F. Kennedy consciously welded himself to the FDR
legacy. The New Frontier was to be the fulfillment of the New Deal. Franklin
Roosevelt Jr., later to become JFK�s Undersecretary of Commerce, campaigned
with Kennedy throughout states such as West Virginia, where memories of the
Great Depression were still vivid. Certainly this campaign, as well as
Kennedy�s proactive policies, gained the ire of FDR�s New Deal enemies.

In his book Battling Wall Street, Donald Gibson convincingly shows that JFK
did come up against the same business interests that opposed FDR. 31 For
example, in his confrontation with U.S. Steel (a company in which DuPont
owned a significant share of stock) over price increases Kennedy railed
against "a situation in which a tiny handful of steel executives whose
pursuit of private power and profits exceeds their sense of public
responsibility can show such utter contempt for the interest of 185 million
Americans."

Recall the FDR speech about Wall Street bankers harming the greater good.

In closing I would say the attempted coup against FDR and the power struggles
surrounding it will not give us a smoking gun to the Kennedy assassination.
But it will allow us to draw some important implications about the
assassination.

1. The coup attempt against FDR gives us an historical precedent to conclude
that powerful interests will consider using every available means including
political murder in order to pursue their personal wealth.

2. The Kennedy assassination was domestic in nature.

3. The assassination was carried out by two groups created by corporate
interests: The national security state and right-wing paramilitary
organizations.

4. Although foreign policy issues such as Cuba and Vietnam were important,
JFK�s domestic policies and vision of an activist government mediating for
the interests of all segments of society precipitated his assassination.

5. Since the assassination was domestic in nature the cover- up that followed
was not to avoid an international nuclear war, but to avoid a domestic civil
strife.

6. Finally, if nothing else, studying the anti-FDR coup attempt and what it
represents allows us to break the seals on a chapter of our history which,
like the JFK case, vested interests would like to keep hidden.


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