At 01:23 PM 11/6/2008, Kathy Dopp wrote:

The third doc is by the Minneapolis, MN City attorney.

11SuplementaryReplyMemoinSupportofMotionforSummaryJudgment.pdf

This document follows the same errors that Austen-Smith promoted, not surprisingly.

It notes that plaintiff has asserted monotonicity failure as a problem of IRV. I'll note, right away, that, unless this is tightly correlated with the language of Brown v. Smallwood, this may have been poor legal strategy.

As you may know, I think that Brown v. Smallwood is ripe for reversal, and that public policy would indicate that we should support total reversal, and not what defendants have been seeking, which is partial reversal, or specification of the BvS result to other than sequential elimination methods which satisfy Later-no-Harm and which only consider, at most, one vote at a time, during the process. (This would clearly be a reversal of the original thinking in Brown v. Smallwood; FairVote has been arguing from dicta that can be read as referring to Later-no-Harm, but there is other language in BvS that very clearly proscribes all forms of alternative vote.)

As distinct from Bucklin Voting -- or many other possible reforms, such as Approval, Range Voting, or Concorcet methods, which still, in the end, only *apply* one vote from each voter, but which may consider all of them in the process. A result as desired by the defendants would damage election method reform in Minnesota for many years to come, I'd expect; the only silver lining is that Brown v. Smallwood has no application outside of Minnesota and was, essentially, a rogue decision, out of step with other states.

Brown v. Smallwood clearly stood for the principle of one person, one vote, totally and completely, as to any single election. It did not allow any "alternative" votes. IRV flies directly in the face of BvS, and FairVote propaganda, prior to the challenge, simply dismissed this, encouraging Minneapolis, for example, to disregard the advice of its own attorney (in advice given prior to the adoption).

There is a possibility that monotonicity failure can be connected to the specific arguments given in Brown v. Smallwood by the court majority. I'd have to study that in particular, but I consider it only a thin possibility.

As to immediate practical result, I'm with FairVote. IRV should be allowed in Minneapolis, providing only that it was properly adopted (BvS aside). Brown v. Smallwood should be tossed, and, once again, Bucklin voting, which is far, far simpler to count than IRV, and which has superior performance to IRV (slightly), should be on the table.

Note that a finding for the plaintiffs in this will, in my opinion, damage future voting reform in Minnesota. I very much dislike IRV, in comparison to top-two runoff, a vastly superior method, which it is replacing. (If that is what Minneapolis had, I haven't checked, but this is what has been replaced in every other election held, I think, since San Francisco started up a few years ago.).

My concern is that FairVote will prevail on their arguments such that sequential elimination preferential voting will be considered legal, but not any other form of preferential voting, thus giving us Later-no-harm, a minor and quite controversial "benefit," instead of such basics as Condorcet compliance (which, if you are going to use pure preferential ballots, is truly fundamental, and we only go beyond Condorcet compliance when we consider preference strength, where, in the end, the Condorcet criterion turns out to be shallow, making sense only when preferences are strict and equal.)

The attorney attacks Ms. Dopps' competency as an expert witness. That's probably cogent; that is, it seems reasonably likely to prevail. The matters at issue here are constitutional ones and, as the city attorney notes, such problems as cost or election security are irrelevant.

I write a lot, and, believe me, were I writing for an affidavit to file with a court, you'd see far less text. What I might think about contributing, if there is time, is an analysis of Brown v. Smallwood and why it was defective, as well as the deficiency of FairVote arguments attempting to discriminate between Bucklin voting (then called "preferential voting," same name as IRV was known as) and IRV based on sequential elimination.

This would be an argument for the defense, though.

But credentials, I have none. I think the monotonicity issue, though, is a huge red herring. Monotonicity failure by IRV is a *symptom* that shows erratic behavior, not of great practical consequence, because the circumstances where it would affect the result seem to be rare; there are much more serious problems, specifically Center Squeeze. But Plurality, of course, exhibits Center Squeeze.

IRV is really a fancy, expensive, form of Plurality, unfortunately, once we start to look at how it actually works in real nonpartisan elections.

There is an interesting method being used, now, in some states, which FairVote is calling IRV, though it is really a form of Contingent Vote. It's not IRV at all, except that a contingent vote is cast by absentee voters, to be used in a runoff election, if it is held. That is a *separate* election, it has a different actual voting electorate, with a separate campaign.

I think it may be unconstitutional, on totally different grounds than are at issue in Minnesota, if it deprives absentee voters of the right to later change their votes, as afforded to all other voters. (However, if the process allows voters to specify whether or not they were voting in the runoff or not, presumably on the enclosure envelope, if they can keep the absentee runoff ballot and send it in separately, then it would merely be a form of early voting in a contingent election, affording them a right without a cost. I have not read the details.)

What if this right, to cast a contingent ballot, or, alternatively, to vote later, were afforded to all voters? That might look like IRV, but it would actually be quite different. You would still see those "comeback elections," which have been eliminated by IRV.

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