Good morning (over here) Keith,

I'm not denying that the availability of new status goods have had a 
significant effect in determining economic behaviour, but I think a great deal 
also depends on how people feel about their world and their ability to do 
things that can effect it positively.  Right now, we are living through a 
period of doom and gloom compared to how we felt, say, a decade ago and we feel 
there isn't much we can do about it.  People, governments and the economy in 
general are over leveraged and the value of most peoples prime asset, housing, 
is falling.  Unemployment is high and many people of prime working age have 
dropped out of the labour force.  Some commentators tell us that we are into a 
double-dip recession, while others tell us to forget about double dip, we are 
into a recession that will not end for a long time.   Non-economic factors feed 
the dark mood: the high hopes of military action in Iraq and Afghanistan are 
crashing to the ground.

At a time like this, one has to try very very hard to remain optimistic.  No 
dark age has lasted forever and I'm hopeful that we'll see this one move on as 
well.

Ed

  ----- Original Message ----- 
  From: Keith Hudson 
  To: RE-DESIGNING WORK, INCOME DISTRIBUTION,EDUCATION 
  Sent: Thursday, September 09, 2010 3:34 AM
  Subject: Re: [Futurework] Trouble, trouble and more trouble


  Ed,

  Yes, a good article.

  My hypothesis, as you know, is that from about the 1980s there were no more 
uniquely new (mass producible) status goods to motivate the masses. This was 
the real, underlying reason why credit expanded so enormously at that time. 
However, whether one believes that my view is correct or not, there still 
remains the problem that the Western industrial economy seems to have reached 
structural buffers in employment, as Steven Pearlstein well describes. There 
are no resource constraints -- so far -- to account for this.

  Meanwhile, the birth rate of the advanced countries is declining fast. Even 
if an amazing new technology with a full-employment structure were to be 
presented to us right now, we (parents or governments) couldn't afford to 
educate our children to the higher standards that would be required. The only 
solution I can think of -- and it's one I don't like -- is that the 20% or so 
of the population who are still thriving in today's (and tomorrow's) recession, 
and can afford to educate their children in the best schools and universities, 
will have more children in the coming years and reverse the negative 
replacement trend. There is anecdotal evidence (enough to convince me) that 
this trend is already starting. (It's in the category of being fashionable at 
present.) But there is no hard evidence as yet that this is a real trend. 

  Keith  


  At 15:12 08/09/2010 -0400, you wrote:

    From the Washington Post
     
    Ed

----------------------------------------------------------------------------


    The bleak truth about unemployment


    By Steven Pearlstein
    Tuesday, September 7, 2010; 9:04 PM 

    Somewhere between the rantings of the Republican right, which is peddling 
the nonsense that excessive government spending is to blame for high 
unemployment, and the Democratic left, which clings to the false hope that 
another helping of fiscal stimulus is all that is needed to get millions of 
Americans permanently back to work, is this stubborn reality: 

    The loss of 8 million jobs reflects problems that are largely structural, 
not cyclical, which means they won't be brought back by fiddling with a magic 
dial in Washington that controls how much the government spends. 

    When I say that the problems are structural, I mean something more than 
what labor economists refer to when they talk about the mismatch between the 
skills of the people who of are out of work and the skills needed for the jobs 
that are being created - although that certainly seems to be a factor. 

    Since 2007, the manufacturing and construction sectors have each lost 2 
million jobs, with finance, hospitality and retailing accounting for 2 million 
more. Those categories alone account for three-quarters of the nation's job 
losses, and while a fraction of those jobs might return as the economy 
recovers, it will be a long time before automakers or home builders or 
investment banks or retailers see the sales numbers they had at the height of 
the biggest credit bubble the world has ever seen. Some of those laid-off 
workers may have been in this country illegally and have now returned home, but 
most will be looking not only for new jobs but also new careers. 

    In other cases, the mismatch has more to do with geography than skill - the 
businesses with jobs are in one place, and the people with the necessary skills 
in another. But with many Americans living in homes they cannot sell, or can 
sell only at a price less than the value of the mortgages they took out to buy 
them, the willingness and ability of workers to move to a new city have been 
noticeably diminished. 

    One telltale sign of this mismatch is the number of job openings and the 
length of time it takes to fill them. As Narayana Kocherlakota, president of 
the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis, noted in a recent speech, those 
numbers have been going up over the last year, not down, as you would expect. 
Another sign, he said, was the widening gap in unemployment rates between the 
states with the highest rates and those with the lowest. Before the recession, 
it was just over four percentage points; now it is more than six. 

    The structural problems, however, go well beyond these mismatches. The 
reason there were 8 million additional jobs back in 2007 is that demand for 
goods and services was artificially - and unsustainably - inflated by cheap, 
plentiful credit. Between 2002 and 2007, household debt was increasing at the 
torrid pace of more than 10 percent annually, while business debt and the debt 
of state and local governments was growing at an average of 9 percent. Much of 
that money was used to finance present consumption. 

    Now all that has reversed. Household debt is shrinking at a rate of 2.4 
percent per year as the savings rate has risen from nearly zero to more than 5 
percent. Meanwhile, business debt declined 2.5 percent last year and is now 
flat, as is the case for state and local governments. 

    All that deleveraging and living within our means is obviously a good thing 
in the long run. But what it means for the economy in the short run is that 
neither the excess consumption nor the jobs it supported are coming back. 
During the past two years, the federal government has been actively trying to 
take up some of the slack by going on a borrowing-and-spending binge of its 
own. But continuing on that path is also unsustainable - certainly politically, 
and probably economically as well. And once federal deficits begin to decline 
next year, we'll have yet another drag on economic growth and employment. 

    At this point, there is only one clear path out of the unemployment box we 
have created for ourselves. 

    Right now, the United States is running a trade deficit that is likely to 
reach $450 billion this year. That's down considerably from the $750 billion at 
the height of the economic bubble, but still more than a wealthy advanced 
economy should have. Bringing it down - either by producing more of what we 
consume (fewer imports) or more of what other countries consume (more exports) 
- represents the path toward sustainable, long-term job creation. 

    The problem with that strategy is that for the past two decades we have 
allowed our industrial and technological base to deteriorate as talent and 
capital were grossly misallocated toward other sectors of the economy, even as 
other countries were able to attract the investment, the technology and the 
know-how to serve the U.S. and global markets. 

    For a time, none of this seemed to matter because we were consuming so much 
that we were able to support job creation at home as well as overseas. But now 
that the debt-fueled consumption binge is over, we find that we don't have the 
companies, the workers or the competitive products to replace the stuff we now 
import or expand our share of export markets. Even when we do, our companies 
are disadvantaged by an overvalued currency or unfair trading practices. 

    As Daniel Gros, director of the Centre for European Policy Studies, wrote 
this month for Project Syndicate, a wonderful new economics Web site: "It is 
relatively easy to manage a structural shift out of manufacturing during a 
real-estate boom, but it is much more difficult to re-establish a competitive 
manufacturing sector once it has been lost." 

    A structural shift toward exports and import substitution," Gros warns, 
"will be difficult and time consuming." He might have added that it will also 
be expensive, requiring sustained investment by government and industry, and 
internationally disruptive, requiring a much tougher line with trading partners 
that consistently tilt the playing field in their favor. 

    In this election season, the politicians who are really serious about 
creating jobs and bringing down unemployment won't be the ones screaming about 
tax cuts, or stimulus or some imagined government takeover of the economy. 
They'll be the ones talking about how to make the American economy competitive 
again. 


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  Keith Hudson, Saltford, England 



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