http://www.atimes.com/article/indonesias-widodo-wobbles-as-the-rupiah-tumb
<http://www.atimes.com/article/indonesias-widodo-wobbles-as-the-rupiah-tumbles/>
les
Indonesia’s Widodo wobbles as the rupiah tumbles President's advisors say
there is no cause for 'panic', but a plummeting currency and falling
investment threaten to derail his re-election chances

By John McBeth <http://www.atimes.com/writer/john-mcbeth/> Jakarta,
September 7, 2018 6:00 PM (UTC+8)

[image: Indonesian President Joko Widodo's economic management is coming
into question ahead of next year's presidential and parliamentary
elections. Photo: Facebook]Indonesian President Joko Widodo's economic
management is coming into question ahead of next year's presidential and
parliamentary elections. Photo: Facebook

Seven months out from April 2019 elections, President Joko Widodo’s appears
to be facing one of his worst nightmares with the Indonesian rupiah now at
its lowest level since the devastating 1997-98 financial crisis, an event
that remains embedded in the national psyche.

Finance Minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati has already lowered the growth
target in the 2018 Budget from 5.4% to 5.3%, worried about the risks posed
by US President Donald Trump’s protectionist trade policies and the US
Federal Reserve’s planned rate hikes through 2019.

The dailyReport <http://www.atimes.com/the-daily-report/>

Must-reads from across Asia - directly to your inbox

Both factors, a threatened global trade war — and especially a current
account deficit of US$8 billion in the second quarter of this year, or 3%
of GDP – are seen as responsible for the weakening rupiah, which at 14,960
to the US dollar has lost 9.2% of its value so far this year.





Maritime Coordinating Minister Luhut Panjaitan, the president’s chief
political adviser, circulated today (September 7) a lengthy message on
WhatsApp, saying the currency issue had been a topic of “intense
discussions” in the government for the past three weeks.

“I don’t see Indonesia to be in a major crisis,” he wrote, in outlining the
causes of the rupiah’s slump and what was being done to manage it. “There
is no need to worry that a crisis such as 1998 will re-occur today.
Conditions are very different from 1998.”

Economic Coordinating Minister Darmin Nasution described last week’s latest
slide as “illogical,” though it is clear events in Argentina and Turkey are
also driving emerging market concerns, with the Indian rupee now at its
lowest-ever level.

Analysts say foreign domination of Indonesia’s bond market, high US dollar
debt loads of Indonesian corporations and the fact that 40% of the
government’s debt is denominated in foreign currencies leaves little room
for confidence in the rupiah.

[image: A worker removes bundles of rupiah banknotes at the headquarter of
the state-owned Bank Negara Indonesia (BNI) headquarters, in Jakarta.
Photo: Reuters / Supri]

A worker removes bundles of rupiah banknotes at the the state-owned Bank
Negara Indonesia’s (BNI) headquarters in Jakarta. Photo: Reuters/Supri

“Don’t panic,” said Panjaitan, who is a member of Widodo’s economic team.
“Our economic conditions and our government are far stronger than Argentina
and Turkey. I also ask you not to worry about global uncertainties.”

Last month, Widodo took the highly respected Indrawati off his campaign
team so she could concentrate on the economy, particularly now that
opposition rival Prabowo Subianto has signaled his intention to target the
president’s record on that front.

The falling currency is only one symptom of a wider malaise. Indonesia’s
growth rate has remained stuck on 5% for Widodo’s entire presidency, a far
cry from the 7%-plus he had promised. That underperformance has also raised
serious questions about why he felt compelled to choose an ageing Muslim
cleric as his running mate.

On the other hand, Prabowo’s surprise last minute choice of deputy Jakarta
governor Sandiaga Uno, 49, brings him not only much-needed funding, but
also a wealth of business experience and an expectation of attracting a
bigger share of the country’s estimated 80 million millennial voters.

Prabowo’s first choice, incumbent Jakarta Governor Anies Baswedan, 49, who
apparently turned him down to pursue his own political presidential
ambitions in 2024, would have added little value to a ticket that is now
looking a lot stronger than earlier anticipated.

When Uno appeared before a business forum soon after his nomination,
participants were reassured by his support for a free market economy and
the need for more foreign direct investment (FDI), which dropped by 12.9%
to just $6.5 billion in the second quarter compared to the same period last
year.

[image: Indonesia-Sandiaga Uno-Deputy Governor-Jakarta]

Vice Presidential candidate Sandiaga Uno says he’s market-friendly. Photo:
Facebook

Businessmen put that down to concerns about potential policy shifts ahead
of the April 2019 elections. But they also say the government must revise
its so-called “Negative List” of sectors closed to foreign investors if it
wants to stimulate foreign capital inflows that benefit the real economy.

The oil and gas sector, in particular, has fallen on hard times because of
a lack of genuine incentives for deep-water exploration. Petroleum
investment reached US$3.9 billion in the first seven months of this year,
well short of the amount needed to achieve the government’s $14.2 billion
annual target.

As widely predicted, production from the fast-maturing Mahakam gas-field,
now the country’s second largest field behind BP’s West Papua operation,
has fallen sharply since state-owned Pertamina took over the block from
French energy giant Total last December.

Shell-shocked by regulatory uncertainty and bureaucratic ineptitude,
foreign innvestors now want to see whether Prabowo drops his previous
stance as a resource nationalist and allows Uno to set the opposition
coalition’s economic agenda in a more market-friendly way.

On top of urging exporters to convert their dollars into rupiah, Bank
Indonesia has raised interest rates by 125 basis points since May and spent
about US$14 billion in foreign reserves, still at a relatively healthy $118
billion, to prop up the rupiah.

The government has also recently imposed a new excise tax regime aimed at
curbing the importation of 1,140 mostly consumer goods, but it appears to
have little in mind for increasing foreign currency-earning exports apart
from offering fiscal incentives.

[image: Indonesian President Joko Widodo speaks during the reopening of the
stock market after the new year at the Bursa Efek Indonesia (Indonesia
Stock Market) in Jakarta on January 4, 2016. The slowdown in China's
economy, coupled with the shock devaluation of the yuan and uncertainty
over a possible US Federal Reserve rate hike, has battered Indonesia's
market and currency in 2015. AFP PHOTO / ADEK BERRY / AFP PHOTO / ADEK
BERRY]

Indonesian President Joko Widodo speaks at the Jakarta stock exchange,
January 4, 2016. Photo: AFP/Adek Berry

Analysts blame that on a lack of FDI, pointing to the way Widodo embraced
many of his predecessor’s nationalist policies introduced during the
2004-2012 commodity boom without understanding their impact on a changed
global business climate and overall investor sentiment.

The president’s concerns became apparent after he called a meeting of key
ministers in late July to discuss the country’s foreign exchange reserves
strategy. At that meeting, he called for the use of more biodiesel and
import substitution “to temporarily stop, reduce or suppress items that are
not considered strategic.”

Small manufacturers, many of them ethnic-Chinese owned, already complain
about the difficulty of importing components. “They’re very unhappy and
feel the government is doing nothing to help,” says one economist. ”But
they also don’t want to vote for the other side (Prabowo). They’re
confused.”

In the latest Indonesian Survey Circle (LSI) poll, taken after the vice
presidential nominations were announced on August 9, Widodo still has a
52.2%-29.5% lead over Prabowo, though 18.8% are undecided and the 2014
presidential race a constant reminder that the gap can narrow fast.

With the Prabowo-Uno ticket homing in on social inequality and what it
claims is a dysfunctional government, the next few months will be crucial
to Widodo’s re-election chances, which suddenly could be defined by his
government’s ability to control the price of basic commodities.

[image: A woman holds a package of food during shopping at a Foodmart Fresh
supermarket in Jakarta, Indonesia June 8, 2016. Photo: Reuters/Beawiharta]

A woman holds a package of food while shopping at a Foodmart Fresh
supermarket in Jakarta, June 8, 2016. Photo: Reuters/Beawiharta

Lawmakers from Prabowo’s Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) are
already balking at a 32% increase in social spending included in the 2019
draft budget, rising from this year’s 287 trillion rupiah (US$19.6 billion)
to 381 trillion rupiah ($26.05 billion). The funds are scheduled for
distribution to the 40% of the population hovering below or just above the
poverty line.

While the government plans to dedicate a significant share of the funds to
the National Health Insurance program and non-cash food assistance, as part
of the country’s well-established social safety net, economists say job
creation is equally important in ensuring that efforts to reduce poverty
are sustainable.

Private consumption appears to have recently picked up due to an improved,
though hardly robust labor market. But while annual consumer inflation was
3.18% in July, below market expectations, average food prices rose by 5.3%
from 4.6% the previous month.

Still, economists worry about so-called “hidden inflation,” referring to
the government’s reluctance to pass on higher world fuel costs. That, and
Widodo’s populist same-price fuel policy, has forced a 66% increase in
energy subsidies in the 2019 budget – four years after the newly-installed
Widodo won widespread acclaim for slashing the price supports altogether.

“He’s just focused on winning,” says one former economic minister, who
believes that while Widodo will be remembered for his unprecedented
infrastructure program, his economic management remains his Achilles heel.
“After that, he will have to decide what to do next.”

Kirim email ke