Dear Ron,

Thanks for your questions.  I am going to post some answers below 
point-by-point for clarity's sake. I hope these answers help clarify and 
please feel free to contact me directly ([email protected]) if 
they don't.

Kate

  2.  I looked carefully only at the South Asia region - in part because it 
> was large and stood out (apparently [in figs 1 and 2] always (all years?) 
> wanting about .19  rather than .2 for preferred aerosol optical depth).    
> I read that Fig1 says that South Asia comprises 25% (by population?) of the 
> 7-member winning coalition when population is the criterion but only 10% 
> (of the GDP?) of the excluded 16 members,  should the decision be made on a 
> GDP basis (when the coalition is only 6 members).  
>


KLR: The numbers in Figure 1 show projected shares of world population and 
GDP in the 2070s (the last decade we simulated the game in).  You can read 
more about the data sources and methodology we used to calculate these 
projected shares in the supplementary materials.

3.    Can you explain the numbers +3% and -6% for South Asia in Fig 2?    
> How do I get to 100% from these numbers?
>

KLR: The numbers for each region in Figure 2 show the share of that regions 
damages from anthropogenic climate change in the absence of geoengineering 
that are gained or lost when geoengineering is implemented through an 
exclusive coalition rather than an open global one.  This is why the 
winning coalition members (in blue) always have positive values and the 
excluded regions generally (though not always) have negative values.  100% 
is equal to the damages South Asia would suffer if there were no 
geoengineering.  These values are shown in percentages rather than 
absolutes so you can get a sense of the incentive each region has, from its 
own internal perspective, rather than relative to the smaller or larger 
economies of the other regions.

Just to be clear the numbers on these axes are obtained with the following 
formula -- for region N, 
Change in damage reductions due to exclusive coalition_N = (Damages reduced 
in exclusive coalition game_N - Damages reduced in open membership 
coalition game_N) / Damages from climate change absent geoengineering_N


> 4.    Figure 3 has three parts;  not clear to me is part b).  The above 
> numbers for South China look close to, but not exactly the same as the 
> differences of the red-dashed and blue-solid curves from the "Grand 
> Coalition" curve.  That is - is the "Grand Coalition" curve of Figure 3 
> also the origin on the ordinate of Figure 2?
>
> KLR: These percentages, again, are relative to climate damages absent 
geoengineering.  So this panel shows the share of damages that can be 
negated (using the climate damage function we chose) using the amount of 
geoengineering implemented by the grand coalition (in black) or either of 
the exclusive coalitions.  When displaying this result for the exclusive 
coalitions, we split the results into damages reductions achieved by the 
winning coalition members versus the excluded parties.  So you can see that 
the winning coalition members have higher damage reductions than the 
excluded regions.

 

>   5.   The supplementary material gives more data for all 22 regions.  For 
> South Asia,  Figure S1 (open) shows four numbers close to 91%.  Is the 
> complement (9%) similar to the -6% number above?
>

KLR: This figure only shows results for open membership coalition games 
(with and without transfers via Nash bargaining).  The point of this figure 
was just to show how much damage reductions change with transfers allowed 
in the open coalitions game (which was generally not much) since the open 
coalitions game  is used as a point of comparison as explained above.

 

>    In Figure S-2, the values of about 6% (in a coalition) and 14%  (out) 
> have same meaning as in Figure 1 of main paper?  (But surprisingly, in 
> opposite order of magntude)
>

KLR:The values in this figure have nothing to do with whether a given 
region is in or out of a coalition.  They are simply the power share of 
that region (an input to the coalition game, not an output).  These are 
values that came from the data sources cited (and partitioned into the 
Giorgi climate regions according to the method in section S1)
 

>    Figure S-3 is much like Main Fig 2 and Figure S-4 like Figure 3a - but 
> just different decision criteria?
>    I have looked up "IFP" but do not yet know who would favor its use over 
> the other three and why?
>

KLR: It the same as Fig 2, but using a different power criterion.  Power 
share influences the game in two ways : 1) a viable coalition must have 
>50% of world power, and 2) intracoalitional transfers are a function of 
intracoalitional power share. 

The IFP index in just another potential power metric.  Its advantage is 
that it takes into account GDP, population, military power and other 
considerations.  In this way it is a better power metric than any of the 
others, because true power in the international relations arena is not a 
function of any one characteristic of a player.  It was a reviewer that 
suggested we try the game with this power metric as well, which we did 
because it was not too hard and interesting to see how the results 
differed. We chose not to show it in the main text because it is not as 
intuitive a metric as GDP or population.
 

>    6.  This last question is what really interests me.  I don't see too 
> much difference from being in or out of the "power" coalition, but if I 
> were representing "South Asia",  I clearly would rather have the decisions 
> being based on population and not GDP.  Could your team now rank order the 
> four criteria you studied on any ethical basis?
>
> KLR: For the purposes of the paper, I don't want to rank these on an 
ethical basis.  We tried to choose metrics that could plausibly be a proxy 
for the power of the players in the game, recognizing that all players are 
not created equal in international negotiations.  This paper is intended to 
be a scientific exercise (economics is a science), not a normative 
commentary.  Where values enter into our discussion, eg, at the end of the 
paper, we try to be explicit that any conclusions are conditional on those 
value judgements.

Personally (not as a scientist, but as a person), I agree that using 
population is more equitable than GDP, but I don't think that it is a more 
realistic metric than GDP.  To the extent that such highly idealized models 
as ours can represent reality, we tried to do that.  That's why we 
calibrated our model with real socioeconomic and climate model data.

 

>    7.  I also have a gut feeling that the "Grand Coalition" looks "better" 
> in some average sense than any of the four decision criteria you studied.  
> . Might you agree?   Should population be the criteria, in your six decadal 
> decisions,  South Asia would be in and out three times each.  Maybe 
> logical, but the rationale for this result must be pretty hard to figure 
> out   My gut reaction is based only on increasing likely inter-country 
> disagreements - and the fact that the differences were not large (as 
> measured in the "desired" optical depth or years to achieve a specific 
> depth.
>

KLR: Yes, we draw this qualified conclusion at the end of our paper for all 
the reason listed in the Discussion section.  I think there are both 
positive and normative reasons you might draw this conclusion -- in our 
paper we try to focus on the positive ones, e.g., the obvious benefits of 
good international relations with regions you might otherwise exclude due 
to trade & security considerations, etc.; direct costs; fickle outcomes.


>    8.  My reason for digging this deeply was to see if I could transfer 
> your very novel approach over to the other side of geoengiineering:  CDR.  
> So far, I have failed to see any answer clearly.  I guess (no proof) that 
> the decision should be like the one you recommend for mitigation - all 
> regions should always do as much as they can.  Would that be your "guess" 
> also?
>

KLR: I think this approach would not be particularly illustrative for CDR 
because, in the important ways for this game, CDR more closely resembles 
mitigation than SRM.  It is slow and expensive and everyone would like to 
do as much of it as possible, so interests are aligned -- there are strong 
incentives to be inclusive.

 
>    9.   It seems there were no costs at any time for any region.  True?  
> It seems that some cost should be involved somewhere, but I missed it.
>

KLR: True -- Direct costs for stratospheric SRM are estimated to be very 
low (see McClellen et al 2012) compared to climate damages, so we excluded 
them from our model due to its many other complex (and in our judgement 
essential) components, and a desire keep things as simple as possible.  Of 
course, direct costs may turn out to be significantly higher than currently 
estimated, in which case they would absolutely need to be incorporated in 
order to correctly illustrate strategic incentives.
 

>
>    10.   I think this gaming effort was noble, but I have not been 
> convinced that we will such a decision process develop - and I don't think 
> you are recommending it necessarily either  .But I think a lot of helpful 
> dialog could result if people could see more detail on the geographic 
> regions of most interest to them - and how they would benefit from lobbying 
> for one decision criterion or another.  Are any regions left behind every 
> year for each criterion? 
>         Might the full set of your output data be available anywhere (now 
> or later)?
>

KLR: Again, we tried our best not to make any normative judgements in this 
paper about what is right or wrong.  We are trying to illustrate strategic 
economic incentives for regions to behave one way or another  -- just one 
thing any player would take into account in the real world.

This model is a huge simplification of the reality.  There are many 
important factors that are not included in the model, for the sake of some 
dynamic transparency -- the more complicated the model, the more difficulty 
in teasing out the mechanisms driving the results.

All of the climate model output that fed the game model are available 
through the climateprediction.net results site.    There are several papers 
that have been published on the regional results of the se particular 
climate simulations:

Ricke KL, Morgan MG and Allen MR. 2010. Regional climate response to solar 
radiation management Nature Geosci. 3 537–41

Moreno-Cruz J, Ricke K and Keith D 2011. A simple model to account for 
regional in equalities in the effectiveness of solar radiation management. 
Clim. Change 110 649–68

Ricke KL, Rowlands DJ, Ingram WJ, Keith DW, Morgan MG (2012) Effectiveness 
of stratospheric solar-radiation management as a function of climate 
sensitivity. Nature Climate Change 2:92-96

There are also many additional papers that have been written purely about 
the physical effects of SRM, including at the regional level.  I would 
caution against relying on the regional results from any one model.  I 
generally interpret the regional results from these climate models as an 
illustration of the kinds of heterogeneities that could occur, not the ones 
that will occur, if we implement solar geoengineering.


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