https://www.cfr.org/blog/internationalism-protects-why-we-need-reboot-baruch-plan-geoengineering

An Internationalism that Protects: Why We Need to Reboot the Baruch Plan
for Geoengineering
The sun reflects off the water in this picture taken by German astronaut
Alexander Gerst from the International Space Station and sent on his
Twitter feed on July 17, 2014.
The sun reflects off the water in this picture taken by German astronaut
Alexander Gerst from the International Space Station and sent on his
Twitter feed on July 17, 2014. REUTERS/Alexander Gerst/NASA/Handout via
Reuters
New planet-changing geoengineering technology is available to help humanity
combat an existential security threat. However, like atomic fission, this
technology is not to be jumped at without caution.

Blog Post by Guest Blogger for the Internationalist

March 17, 2021
8:00 am (EST)


The following is a guest post by Elizabeth Chalecki, an Associate Professor
of International Relations at the University of Nebraska Omaha, a Research
Fellow in the Environmental Change & Security Program at the Woodrow Wilson
Center, and a Research Chair with Fulbright Canada.

This year is the seventy-fifth anniversary of the Baruch Plan. Almost no
one knows this, or if they do, they probably don’t remember who Bernard
Baruch was, or what his eponymous plan was for. But the Baruch Plan of 1946
was our first and last real attempt at world governance of nuclear weapons.
Three-quarters of a century later, the ill-fated effort carries important
lessons for addressing the crisis of climate change.

The scientists who worked on the Manhattan Project were excited about the
post-war industrial prospects of atomic technology, which they saw as
manifold. But they also had serious misgivings about its continued
development as a weapon, misgivings which they repeatedly brought to the
U.S. government’s attention. So they proposed a new governance regime with
the ambitious goal of ending all wars. On June 4, 1946, the financier and
statesman Bernard Baruch, serving as U.S. ambassador to the United Nations
Atomic Energy Commission (UNAEC), proposed this scheme to the world.

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The Baruch Plan, derived from the Acheson-Lilienthal Report, laid out three
characteristics of atomic weapons that made governing this technology
unlike any previous arms control challenge. First, the technology was more
powerful than any other weapon in existence. It only took one bomb to wipe
out a city and two to force the end of a six-year world war. Second, there
were no defenses or countermeasures against atomic weapons. Anti-aircraft
systems of the time were unlikely to bring down a solo plane, and the
destructive radius of an atomic bomb meant that civilians would have no
time to flee an attack. Third, there was no longer any secrecy surrounding
the bomb, at least among major powers. American, British, Canadian, and
French scientists had worked on various facets of atomic technology during
the war, and by 1945, Germany, Japan, and the Soviet Union all had their
own experiments underway.

The Baruch Plan proposed that all atomic weapons be placed under the
control of the United Nations, which would oversee all peacetime research
into the field the physicists called nucleonics. In addition, participating
countries would be subject to UN inspections to make sure they were not
violating the plan by making their own atomic weapons secretly. In
presenting this international governance arrangement to the UNAEC, Baruch
said, “The peoples…are not afraid of an internationalism that protects;
they are unwilling to be fobbed off by mouthings about narrow sovereignty,
which is today’s phrase for yesterday’s isolation.” Unfortunately, Baruch’s
warning went unheeded. The United States and the Soviet Union could not
agree on vital matters of inspections and control, and the plan was not
adopted. Narrow sovereignty carried the day.

Why is an unsuccessful arms control agreement relevant seventy-five years
later? Because once again we need to learn this same lesson: new
planet-changing technology is available to help humanity combat an
existential security threat—that of anthropogenic climate change. New
technologies are becoming available that will permit commons-based
geoengineering (CBG), or the deliberate manipulation of Earth’s climate in
the global commons, including through stratospheric aerosol injection,
ocean iron fertilization, and marine-based cloud brightening. However, like
atomic fission, this technology is not to be jumped at without caution. It
could be used to tweak the climate to the advantage of a country or region
or disadvantage a rival, and in doing so, force the nations of the world to
reconsider the very concepts of borders and sovereignty.

The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists’ Doomsday Clock currently stands at
one hundred seconds before midnight, due to a combination of the lingering
nuclear threat and our ongoing recalcitrance to take any meaningful action
to slow climate change. As the effects of global warming become more
pronounced, geoengineering technologies will start to look more attractive
as a policy option for states that cannot or will not commit to reducing
greenhouse gas emissions, or which find themselves victims of the
unwillingness of others to do so. Some countries may try to use
geoengineering to gain temporary relief from climate-related security
threats, or to gain a longer-term strategic advantage over others.
Intriguingly, CBG shares the same three characteristics that made atomic
weapons such a unique threat in 1946, and the prospect of their
international governance so compelling. First, it is a powerful technology,
capable of shifting regional or possibly global weather patterns. Second,
short of sabotaging equipment, there are no countermeasures and no defense
against CBG. Third, there is no possibility of keeping this technology
secret, since scientists from all over the world have collaborated on
different methods of climate engineering.

More on:

Climate Change

United Nations

Global Governance

Nuclear Weapons

While the original Baruch Plan dealt specifically with atomic weapons,
several features of that proposed regime should carry over to any
authoritative international geoengineering agency. First, the agency should
have the power to inspect and license all technology, conduct or oversee
deployments, and lead research and development efforts cooperatively with
states, universities, and private companies. This would ensure that the
agency serves as a clearinghouse for major experiments, provides for
orderly experimentation at critical locations, and disallows rogue
geoengineers. Second, the agency should have the sole right to conduct or
license research in the field of CBG. The designs, equipment, and patents
used in scientific experiments could remain private property, but the
results and ongoing data monitoring must be publicly available at all times
so as to provide international transparency and maintain public confidence
that use of CBG is the result of sanctioned experiments only. Third, the
agency should use its scientific expertise to reassess which experiments
are working and which are not. It is critically important to the entire CBG
endeavor that the relevant technologies be used for greater good than harm;
only the international agency should make this determination. This ensures
that the interests of narrow sovereignty will not cause nations to override
the general good in favor of whatever temporary advantage CBG might give
them.

Just as nuclear fission can produce both weapons and energy, so too can
geoengineering provide benefits if applied judiciously. But as the climate
crisis becomes more acute and its effects more powerful, the window for
judicious thinking will begin to close. Confronted with the reality of a
warming planet, the temptation for states to use climate engineering as
just another sovereign tool of national security will be overwhelming. As
technology historian Jill Lepore points out, the links between the military
and earth scientists predate geoengineering, and even public-spirited
science yields to the demands of the national security state. In order to
avoid a climate change arms race and sidestep the sovereignty trap, we need
a new governance structure for planet-altering climate manipulation
technologies. We need a new Baruch Plan

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