https://www.science.org/doi/10.1126/science.abm8462

Geoengineering: Symmetric precaution

EDWARD A. PARSON

As alarm about climate change and calls for action intensify, solar
geoengineering (SG) is seeing increased attention and controversy. Views on
whether it should or will ever be used diverge, but the evidentiary basis
for these views is thin. On such a high-stakes, knowledge-limited issue,
one might expect strong support for research, but even research has met
opposition. Opponents’ objections are grounded in valid concerns but
impossible to fully address, as they are framed in ways that make rejecting
research an axiom, not a conclusion based on evidence.
Supporters of SG research argue that it can inform future decisions and
prepare for likely future calls for deployment. A US National Academies of
Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine (NASEM) report earlier this year lent
thoughtful support to this view. Opponents raise well-known concerns about
SG such as its imperfect climate correction, its time-scale mismatch with
greenhouse gases (GHGs), and the potential to over-rely on it or use it
recklessly or unjustly. They oppose research based on the same concerns,
arguing that usage can never be acceptable so research is superfluous; or
that sociopolitical lock-in will drive research toward deployment even if
unwarranted. Both support and opposition are often implicit, embedded in
debates over additional governance of SG research beyond peer review,
program management, and regulatory compliance.
At present, potential SG methods and claimed benefits and harms are
hypothetical, not demonstrated. The strongest objections to research invoke
potential consequences that are indirect, mediated by imprudent or unjust
policy decisions. Because the paths from research to these bad outcomes
involve political behavior, claims that these “could” happen cannot be
fully refuted. Understanding and limiting these risks require the same
research and governance-building activities that opponents reject as
causing the risks.
To reject an activity based on harms that might follow is to apply extreme
precaution. This can be warranted when there is risk of serious,
unmitigable harm and the alternative is known to be acceptable. That is not
the case here. Rejecting SG research means taking the alternative
trajectory of uncertain but potentially severe climate impacts, reduced by
whatever emissions cuts, GHG removals, and adaptation are achieved. But
these other responses needed to meet prudent climate targets carry their
own risks: of falling short and suffering more severe climate change, and
of collateral environmental and socioeconomic harms from deployment at the
required transformative, even revolutionary, scale.
Suppressing research on SG might reduce risks from its future use, but this
is not assured: Rather than preventing use in some future crisis, blocking
research might make such use less informed, cruder, and more dangerous.
Even if these risks are reduced, this would shift increased risks onto
climate change and crash pursuit of other responses. Total climate-related
risk may well increase—and be more unjustly distributed, because the
largest benefits of SG appear likely to flow to the most vulnerable people
and communities.
Yet the concerns that motivate opposition to research are compelling. SG
use would be an unprecedented step, affecting climate response,
international governance, sustainability, and global justice. Major
concerns—about reckless or rivalrous use, or over-reliance weakening
emissions cuts—are essential to address, even if they cannot be avoided
with certainty. A few directions show promise for doing so. Research should
be in public programs, in jurisdictions with cultures of public benefit and
research accountability. The NASEM call for a US federal program is sound.
Other national programs should be established. Research governance should
be somewhat stronger than for less controversial research, including scale
limits on field experiments and periodic program reassessments. Exploration
of governance needs for larger-scale interventions should begin well before
these are considered. Research and governance should seek broad
international cooperation—promptly, but not as a precondition to national
programs. Broad citizen consultations are needed on overall climate
response and the role of SG. These should link to national research and
governance programs but not have veto power over specific activities.
Precaution is appropriate, even necessary. But precaution cannot
selectively target risks from one climate response while ignoring its
linkages to other responses and risks. Suppressing SG research is likely to
make the harms and injustices that opponents fear more likely, not less.

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