Very well stated, Mr. Cardoso!

On Sat, 30 Nov, 2024, 5:52 pm 'Nuno Cardoso da Silva' via Goa-Research-Net,
<[email protected]> wrote:

> Unfortunate as it may be, the fact is that religion has more often been a
> tool for violence and intolerance, than a tool for peace, love of one
> another and tolerance. Much of what we Portuguese did wrong in our colonial
> past was due to our fierce attachment to a particular religion. Just like
> much of what is being done wrong today in India has to do with a fanatical
> approach to religion by far too many people from all religious backgrounds.
>
> The Portuguese of the 21st century are not psychologically very different
> from the 16th century Portuguese. The difference is that we were then
> fiercely religious and care today very little about religion. As a result
> we find no difficulty in fully embracing in our community Hindus from India
> and Nepal, Muslims from Pakistan, Guinea-Bissau and Mozambique, Shiites
> from the Ismaelite community, Orthodox Christians from Romania, the Ukraine
> and Russia. Most of us demand only two things to accept people as
> co-citizens: that they truly want to be part of our community and that they
> speak Portuguese. We are in no way superior to the people of India, and I
> have no doubt India would be as peaceful and tolerant a nation as we now
> are, once you stop being intolerant about people's religious beliefs. One
> may believe in God, but maybe one should stop thinking that God has any
> preference for any religion. It's what we do which matters, not what we
> believe in. Simple, but clearly so difficult to achieve, in Europe as well
> as in Asia...
>
> Nuno Cardoso da Silva
>
>
> *Sent:* Saturday, November 30, 2024 at 6:23 AM
> *From:* "V M" <[email protected]>
> *To:* "V M" <[email protected]>
> *Subject:* [GRN] Manu Pillai: "There are No Heroes or Villains in
> History" (O Heraldo, 30/11/2024)
>
> https://www.heraldgoa.in/cafe/manu-pillai-there-are-no-heroes-or-villains-in-history/416418
>
> Religion and politics are an especially volatile mix in South Asia,
> cleaved apart so painfully on the basis of religion in 1947, and roiled on
> the same lines again in the 21st century, as majoritarianism surges on all
> sides of the post-Partition borders. Here in India, the main divide remains
> Hindu-Muslim, with painful consequences – from casual intimidation to
> ethnic cleansing – playing out in different locations However, in recent
> years, Sikhs and Sikhism have also been targeted as “anti-national”, and
> Goa has experienced many silly and childish provocations about Catholics
> and Catholicism, including recurring absurdities about who can and can’t be
> considered Goencho Saib.
>
> These slurs haven’t yet added up to much, and it would be unwise to
> overreact. However, the increasing conflation of myth and history by the
> state is an unhealthy trend. As the distinguished political scientist
> Niraja Gopal Jayal reminds us: “In effect, it is an attempt to construe
> Indian citizenship as faith-based, in consonance with the idea of a Hindu
> majoritarian nation, of which Hindus are natural citizens while Muslims, in
> this view, properly belong to Pakistan or Bangladesh. Perfecting this
> congruence is the object of the new project of citizenship.”
>
> Catholics in Goa – and Christians in India – have not been primary targets
> in this scenario, and in fact Joseph Francis Pereira – a Pakistani of Goan
> origin – was one of the first beneficiaries of the new Citizenship
> Amendment Act, which allows Hindus, Sikhs, Jains, Parsis, Christians and
> Buddhists (but not Muslims) from the neighboring countries to become Indian
> citizens if they entered before 2014.
>
> Yet, there are warning signs, as the senior academic Peter Ronald de Souza
> shared in a recent column in *Indian Express*: “A few days ago, during an
> argument (in a WhatsApp group), I was told to "go back to Portugal". Not
> one to take such abuse without a fight, I responded and asked my adversary
> to “go back to Afghanistan”. He was outraged. "I’m not from Afghanistan,"
> he roared. "Well, I’m not from Portugal," I said. Two things come together
> in this brief exchange that are worth thinking about. My name and his
> outrage. For him I was obviously the outsider and, equally obviously, he
> was the insider. Both for him were self-evidently true. In this exchange,
> my argumentativeness faced his righteous anger. He said he was confronting
> me because I was evil. That we went to school together more than half a
> century ago did not matter.”
>
> Palpably upset, de Souza writes “I must honestly admit I was surprised at
> the vitriol. What began as a discussion on an Indian festival, soon
> descended into a toxic spat watched by others who, in their silence,
> appeared to endorse his views that it was inadmissible for me to talk about
> things Indian, especially Indian culture. What did I know? And who was I
> anyway? An Indian on probation! Now I know what Draupadi must have felt in
> the assembly when she asked the custodians of dharma her question. They did
> not answer. They remained silent.”
>
> “Who belongs? Who does not belong? What kind of state is being
> re-engineered by Hindu nationalism, and where did the historical impetus
> come from?” Precisely when it is needed most to help address these
> questions, Manu Pillai’s lucid, brilliant new *Gods, Guns and
> Missionaries: The Making of the Modern Hindu Identity *is an invaluable
> primer on India’s encounter with Western colonialism, and “the context in
> which Hindu nationalism – Hindutva, so dominant now in India – found its 
> *raison
> d'être*. [It is] a survey of 400 years at most – a span that supplies the
> historical setting and much of the emotional stimulus empowering
> present-day Hinduism.”
>
> All serious students of Goan history are strongly urged to read Gods, Guns
> and Missionaries for the way it begins alone, a deft and masterly treatment
> of colonialism and conversion in the Estado da Índia. This brave young
> author – he was born in 1990 – pulls no punches, but also refrains from
> cheap shots. This clear-eyed, sure-footed approach is both refreshing and
> absolutely required, because the subject is such a potent mix of history,
> religion and politics. Here is just one passage, for flavour: “the
> Portuguese came into everyday contact with Hindus, armed with scarce
> knowledge but copious pre-judgement. The encounter took barely a generation
> to turn violent. One factor was that the colonizer’s rigid religiosity had
> grown stiffer still in reaction to the anti-Catholic Reformation occurring
> in Europe. That is, with the emerging Protestant movement accusing the
> Catholic church of perverting the faith, Catholic powers had a special
> necessity to demonstrate unequivocal Christian credentials. And here, their
> newly acquired Indian enclaves offered a parade ground, packed as they were
> with devil-worshipping pagans.”
>
> To be sure, all this is familiar ground to historians, but serious
> scholarship about these episodes is almost never knitted together,
> understood or presented with as much panache and storytelling flair as *Gods,
> Guns and Missionaries*. Via email, Pillai told me that “history in our
> country--and perhaps elsewhere too--is not merely a rational, academic
> inquiry into the past. It is an emotional, political affair. My very first
> book invited a Rs 5 crore defamation notice, so I know the risks and perils
> involved in presenting complexities from the past. In this context,
> historicising religious identities can provoke all kinds of responses. "The
> truth" pales here in comparison with how people interpret history to create
> "their truth" in the present or as groups; to find meaning by reading
> history a certain way. This is true of all communities and identities
> everywhere in the world. But today we are also seeing an active cultivation
> of animosity by exacerbating elements of divergence in these narratives.
> So, when writing a book on modern religious identity formation, yes there
> is a fear that some of its contents can be hijacked. Similarly, one can
> also be "cancelled" by different sides for not reinforcing their respective
> ideological positions. One chapter in the book might annoy the Left and
> please the Right. Another might achieve the reverse. But this is the risk
> of doing what I do today. One can't do history if worried about reactions.
> Even when one is aware of the risks involved in these reactions.”
>
> As the topic is especially relevant in this Exposition year, I asked
> Pillai what to make of the paradox of “Saint” Francis Xavier – an
> unstinting zealot who believed in the superiority of his faith – becoming
> converted after death into an all-inclusive Indian holy man, who is
> addressed by pilgrims from every religion to answer their prayers. He
> responded thoughtfully: "We must always view historical figures in their
> time and context. Xavier and his proselytising work stemmed from a vision
> of the world that emerged from his cultural background, the history of his
> part of the world, his education etc. The responses of his brown
> interlocutors were also similarly influenced. There is also in this
> equation the political power of the Portuguese and their own imperial
> goals, which skewed the field in favour of one side over another. We should
> be able to speak of this transparently while also recognising that
> historical dynamics also evolve and change. The same Portuguese state's
> attitudes shifted over time; the memory of Xavier and his work also
> changed. These too are real historical processes. History is full of
> contradictions. In the battle between "sides" today we can lose sight of
> this. There are no heroes and villains in history. Often the same
> characters in different contexts can look heroic or villainous, depending
> on the prism, the location of the viewer, and so on.”
>
> Pillai acknowledges that it is difficult to have honest and open
> discussions about historical-religious-political issues in India at the
> moment, but they must occur nonetheless: “I think conversations help.
> Remember that outside of certain political constituencies, most human
> beings can take a sensible view of things. It is this mature, reasonable
> tendency that must be cultivated. By reacting to others, and their setting
> of the terms, we play into their game. Instead, we must engage in dialogue,
> speak of Xavier the complex, sometimes "negative" figure while also
> recognising the equally historical phenomenon of Xavier as he came to be
> recognised and reinterpreted in these same communities, not just by
> Catholics but also Hindus. I always say that most things in history are not
> a case of "either/or". The word we must embrace is "and". But this is
> admittedly easier said than done. I don't know if I have a solution other
> than dialogue, and engagement in good faith.”
>
>
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