International award  for Kancha Ilaiah's "Why I am Not a Hindu"
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" Why I am not a Hindu" by Professor Kancha Ilaiah
Chosen for Annual lisa Book Award 2008 to be presented
on 17 July 2008 at Westminster

London Institute of South Asia (LISA) makes an award every year to an author
from South Asia for a "book that made a difference". The award is Two
Thousand Pounds and a return air ticket to receive the award at a ceremony
held in London. This year, the book chosen for the award is " Why I am not a
Hindu" written by Professor Kancha Ilaiah, former Head of the Department of
Political Science at the Osmania University, Hyderbad, India. The Award
Ceremony will be held at Thatcher Room, Portcullis Hose, Westminster,
London, on July 17. Professor Ilaiah will give lecture on BEING AN UNHINDU
WRITER after his acceptance speech.

Ever since this book was first published in 1996, it did not only become the
bestseller of the year, it has been declared one of the Five Great
Millennium Books in Dalitbahujan stream of thought by the Indian National
Daily, PIONEER. It has influenced a whole range of new discourse on
understanding of India and South Asia. It has been translated not only into
several Indian languages but also European languages – French and German. It
has been adopted as the common core text of New Reading on South Asia by
several American and European Universities. Most Indian Universities include
it in the curriculum of courses in Sociology and Anthropology.

The native peoples of India (erstwhile untouchables) called Dalitbahujan by
Prof. Ilaiah have been denied a separate identity by denying them education;
they were not even allowed to be lettered. Under British rule, they were
given an identity; they were grouped into Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled
Tribes (STs) and Other Backward Castes (OBCs). They also got two things they
never had before – reserved seats in education and right to vote. That
caused a slow change in the beginning but a veritable revolution in the new
millennium.

The caste Hindus are at best 15 % of the population of India today. The
Dalitbahujan may be as many as 65% of the population depending on who is
included. Realising the power of the vote, Mahatma Gandhi condescendingly
called them Harijan (children of Hindu god Hari) and insisted they were
Hindus.  In 1932, under the Communal Award, the British Government offered
them 'Separate Electorate' alongside the faith groups – the Muslims, Sikhs
and Christians. The leader of the Dalitbahujan, Dr. B.R.Ambedkar, accepted
the Award. But Mahatma Gandhi went on 'fast unto death' opposing the
principle of separate electorate. Mahatma Gandhi pressurised Dr.Ambedkar
under the duress his death to accept the present principle of Reserved Seats
for SCs and STs. The pressure worked; Dalitbahujan agreed to 'Joint
Electorate' under which they were put on electoral rolls of the Hindus. That
is how the myth of India being a Hindu majority country was born.

Universal adult franchise makes Dalitbahujan the majority in India. Dalit
parties, by themselves or in coalition, rule several states. The voice of
Dalitbahujan is heard loud and clear all over India; more and more of them
are seen in high office of state; yet alienation is so acute as to be almost
unbearable.  The repression of Dalitbahujan is not so overt but it is still
vicious and highly effective as the Brahmin priest caste is adept at
evolving covert methods. Complaining about discrimination and securing more
places in education and in government jobs has run its course; it still
leaves Dalitbahujan at the bottom of the social pile.

The book "Why I am not a Hindu" is chosen because it has 'made a difference'
since it was first published in 1996. The Constitution of India describes a
Hindu as one who is 'not a Muslim, Christian or a Parsi'; the Sikhs,
Buddhists, Jains and all the animal/ancestor worshipping faiths, are thus
denied their separate identity. This definition portrays India as
overwhelmingly Hindu and puts a tight lid on the repression on the basis of
faith and castes. Perhaps taking a cue from the Constitution, Prof. Ilaiah
defines Dalitbahujan as all except the 'twice born'. Thus, he also defines
the Indian nation as a 'coalition' but of different elements. The elements
he excludes are those who preach, uphold or practise 'apartheid'.

Language, race, faith and culture define nations. Prof. Ilaiah has described
at length in his book that Dalibahujan are different, indeed better, on
every score. He urges his compatriots to stop complaining and begging.
Dalibahujan should define their own identity; everything else would
follows.

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