Dr Jiju P Alex Kerala Agricultual University
On Sep 5, 10:29 am, "ranju radha" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
> and who is the author of this great Communist Manifesto of Harrison
>
> On Fri, Sep 5, 2008 at 10:51 AM, anil tharayath <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>wrote:
>
>
>
> > Friends
> > found this article circulating on the net.............
>
> > Another spokesperson for the party. I have a feeling that now a days
> > teachers/ professors in Kerala are teaching the malayalam version of
> > CPI(M) manifesto
>
> > Chengara Land Struggle: A conspiracy that apparently precedes another
> > Nandigram
>
> > A grand conspiracy is being contemplated by certain elements owing
> > allegiance to religious forces along with Naxal-Maoist groups in
> > Kerala to thwart the historic efforts of the ruling LDF Govt. to
> > provide the downtrodden sections with land and houses, on a massive
> > scale. That it is a conspiracy has become clearer of late with several
> > reports on the real endowments of the so-called landless activists of
> > the Chengara strike coming out. There are telling evidences to
> > substantiate that these unlawful act of encroachment is aided and
> > abetted by imperialist forces in collusion with the anti left forces
> > mentioned above. However, in elite media and among the liberal
> > intellectual circles, it is being deliberately portrayed as a landmark
> > struggle for land reforms, redistribution of excess land and ever so
> > many other radical transformations in Kerala. This section of the
> > media leaves no opportunity to celebrate this incident as an
> > indication of some grave crises in the agrarian sector in Kerala and
> > that it is going to be a harbinger of greater changes in agrarian
> > relations, something that a CPI (M) refuses to implement. They try to
> > accuse the CPI (M) of anti peasant and anti working class attitudes by
> > citing Chengara strike as a symbol of its subjugation to the rich and
> > influential sections of the society. This is evidently a distorted
> > version of the affair that deserves to be refuted. It is nothing but
> > a premeditated attempt to tarnish the face of the LDF government and
> > the CPI(M).
>
> > The Chengara agitation was started on August 3, 2007, by two
> > organizations that claim to be of dalits and adivasis under the common
> > banner of Chengara bhoosamara aikyavedi samathi, for grabbing and
> > distributing the land of Harrison plantation, Chengara, Pathanamthitta
> > District. Now, almost about a year since then, the agitators have
> > literally seized the area rendering hundreds of plantation workers
> > jobless. The agitation was initiated under the guise of an innocent
> > demand for land for the landless dalits. The occasion of launching the
> > struggle is particularly significant since it was the time when the
> > LDF government had emphasized its resolve to grab all the unlawful
> > possessions of the land mafia across the state. It is widely known
> > that the LDF government is seriously pursuing this with a view to
> > create a land bank, which could be duly distributed to dalits,
> > adivasis and other landless people. As we understand it clearly now,
> > the agitation has other intentions, much greater and far-reaching than
> > what they say. They intend to divert the attention of the public from
> > the visionary steps taken by the government and attract a section of
> > apolitical intellectuals towards a non-issue to create chaos and
> > unrest in the state. The initial steps of the struggle somehow or the
> > other resemble the covert sprout of a Nandigram model debacle.
>
> > One of the startling observations regarding this struggle is that
> > these organizations receive substantial monetary assistance from
> > several domestic and foreign agencies such as the Ford foundation,
> > USA. This struggle would have been justifiable if the LDF government
> > had shown an iota of aversion to the cause of landless dalits and
> > adivasis in the state. In fact, the LDF government has already
> > announced its commitment to the concerns of the poor and initiated
> > many a landmark decision to safeguard the interests of the landless.
> > One major step towards this direction has been the unprecedented
> > resolve to find out all illegal possessions of the land mafia as
> > stated earlier. This has been widely acclaimed as the most daring step
> > a government could ever take. No UDF government has attempted it
> > before. Since comprehensive land reforms have already been enacted in
> > the state, the second stage would be to ensure land and house for all,
> > particularly the poor. The LDF government has been largely successful
> > in cracking down the land mafia and grabbing unlawful possessions,
> > without letting these steps go into irresolvable legal complexities.
>
> > When a government, which is unambiguously committed to such serious
> > concerns rules the state, why should someone come out with a struggle
> > on such a non-issue?
>
> > It is in this context, we doubt the intentions of the Chengara
> > struggle, which is sponsored by forces of dubious backgrounds with the
> > support of Naxals and Maoists. Though there had been constant attempts
> > to provoke the police and create untoward incidents, which could flare
> > up, the government has maintained exemplary restraint and foiled the
> > efforts of the samara samithi. The agitating groups now show signs of
> > disintegration as evinced by the several voices of dissent from within
> > the group. Initially, followers were enticed by assuring that each one
> > would get five acres of land if they contributed Rs 1500-3000 to the
> > organizers of the struggle. Many people, even from neighbouring
> > districts had ventured to participate in the struggle in response to
> > this promise. Interestingly, almost every one of them has own land and
> > home. Now, with the realization that it is a dream quite unlikely to
> > be materialized, most of them have lost faith in the intentions of the
> > leadership and the agitation is gradua lly subsiding.
>
> > The socio economic profile of the participants of the struggle is
> > testimony to the wicked intentions of its sponsors. While the struggle
> > proclaims to be a genuine response of the landless poor to get
> > endowments for minimum subsistence, most of the participants own
> > assets worth more than minimal. For instance, Thankamma, an active
> > participant of the struggle owns a house in her 20 cents of land as a
> > beneficiary of the housing project of the Grama Panchayat. Nany,
> > another participant has 10 cents and a house. Recently she has bought
> > five more cents. Karunakaran owns 40 cents and is well off. Thankappan
> > has sent her wife to the gulf and lives comfortably in his own house.
> > While Ammini, unit president of the samara samithi has her own house,
> > Valia Karuppel Sasi, unit secretary of the samara vedi has two houses
> > in his possession. Kunju Pillai, another ardent participant has 1.5
> > acre, adjacent to Chengara estate. His two sons have also their own
> > houses. Soman reached the agitation camp leaving his house locked. He
> > has built this house with the financial assistance from a housing
> > project of the Block Panchayat. He had motivated people in his
> > neighborhood to join the struggle by promising each one five acres of
> > land. His children now stay with his brother. Soman who is a rubber
> > tapper left his job in anticipation of getting five-acre land and Rs
> > 50000, as reported by him. Konthanalil Sasi who has motivated many
> > people to participate in the struggle is the beneficiary of
> > Janakeeyasoothranam, the people's plan programme that provided him
> > with a house. He is alleged to have collected money from these people.
> > Similarly, several participants are beneficiaries of some or the other
> > developmental projects of the government or the local body.
> > Poovallimuruppel Bose, who owns 30 cents haS built his house with the
> > help of SC Development Corporation, also participates in the struggle
> > for more land and money. Kallungal Kunjukunju is a beneficiary of SC
> > Corporation and he owns two houses and 35 cents of land. About two
> > dozen people of Chittar in Ranni assembly constituency also camp at
> > Chengara to participate in this struggle. This list is not complete.
>
> > However, it would be queer to look at the case of the agitation's most
> > vigorous leader Laha Gopalan, who spearheads the movement. Gopalan, a
> > retired employee of the KSEB has one acre and nine cents at
> > Aruvappulam Panchayat (survey No.540/1/1/328, 540/11/328/130). He says
> > that he bought it with the money he got in connection with his
> > superannuation in the KSEB, which amounted to Rs. 4 lakhs. When the
> > credentials of the leaders were exposed, one of the women leaders
> > Thattail Saraswathy resigned from the organisation. She also owns 1.5
> > acre arable land which she bought by taking loan from SC Corporation.
> > Paradoxically, while 90 % of the agitators have either home or land,
> > 70 % of the plantation workers, who have lost job since the agitation,
> > have neither home nor land. Recent interpretations of the ultra left
> > groups and left liberal intellectuals argue that the plantation
> > workers should also join the strike and grab the land. The
> > participants of the agitation unscrupulously tap the rubber trees and
> > sell out latex worth thousands of rupees to meet their huge expenses.
> > Moreover, fearing a setback, the organizers of the agitation forcibly
> > prevents the participants who have decided to dissociate with the
> > struggle from going out of the camp in the estate. Those who fall
> > sick are also not allowed to leave the place and be treated. The
> > organizers fear that if people were allowed to leave, they would leave
> > the agitation altogether, and forever.
>
> > However, the forces that have fuelled this spiteful campaign have not
> > conceded defeat. Bolstered by rich funding sources, there are all-out
> > efforts to rekindle the lost vigour and revive the struggle. A section
> > of the media is still creating confusion among the public through
> > contorted interpretations. They try to establish that the government
> > of Kerala is not responsive to the clamour of poor dalits. Moreover,
> > several
>
> ...
>
> read more »
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