earlier,gail omvedt had written  about  india's IT sector, a predominantly 
brahmin-upper caste dominated sector where dalits have very minimal 
presence.intellectual capital mixes with an exclusive neo-liberal education 
system sabotages any genuine cultural capital formation for  the dalits.while 
state is withdrawing all the social sector ,and a  market based economic growth 
model further marginalises dalits.
a 1930 working class pattern where dalits couldn't work in certain sectors in 
textiles mills. such type of apartheid repeats itself in job market now.

--- On Fri, 19/9/08, Afthab Ellath <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
From: Afthab Ellath <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Subject: [GreenYouth] Not Quite Like Us !!!
To: "Greenyouth" <[email protected]>, "[EMAIL PROTECTED]" <[EMAIL 
PROTECTED]>
Date: Friday, 19 September, 2008, 12:07 AM

Not Quite Like Us


Sampling the corporate sector's attitudes to hiring the disadvantaged, a recent 
study discovered huge holes in the myth of India Inc's social inclusiveness, 
says S. ANAND 

THE SENSEX hit 20,000 points in early November, breaking all records. Corporate 
India is on the rise, and gloats unabashedly. An international collaborative 
study has revealed, however, that Corporate India would rather march on without 
offering Dalits and Muslims a share. 

If you applied for an entry-level job in the corporate sector with a name like 
Ramdas Chamar or Mohan Paswan, and also sent a résumé as Badrinath Shrivastav 
or Sundaram Iyengar with the same set of credentials, the applications bearing 
the distinctly Dalit names (Chamar/Paswan) are less likely to get a response. 
Those with Muslim names tend to fare even worse. These are the findings of a 
two-year collaborative study undertaken by researchers at the Indian Institute 
of Dalit Studies (IIDS), headed by University Grants Commission chairman 
Sukhadeo Thorat, together with sociologists supported by Princeton University's 
Institute for International and Regional Studies. Since October 2005, the 
multi-pronged study had sought to examine social exclusion in the urban Indian 
labour market. The findings, published in the form of four papers in Economic 
and Political Weekly, were deliberated upon recently in Delhi at a conference 
inaugurated by Union Human
 Resource Development minister Arjun Singh. 


The studies were conceived as "tests of the proposition that discrimination is 
no longer an issue in Indian labour markets, particularly in the formal, 
private sector". Making use of techniques pioneered in the US to measure 
discrimination against blacks and other social minorities, the study has 
established conclusively that the private sector, left to its own devices, 
would unselfconsciously and prejudicially deny opportunities to Muslims and 
Dalits. The study establishes discrimination in quantitative terms, and 
identifies attitudes and beliefs through qualitative means that contribute to 
discriminatory patterns of hiring. 


Formulated by Thorat and Paul Attewell of the City University of New York, the 
field experiment sought to verify name-related prejudices in Indian 
corporations. Over a period of 66 weeks, the research team made 4,808 
applications for 548 openings, responding to entry level jobs advertised in 
national and regional English language newspapers, including The Times of 
India, Hindustan Times, The Hindu, Deccan Herald and Deccan Chronicle. 
Applications were made to companies across the corporate sector, including 
those in securities and investments, pharmaceuticals and medical sales, 
computer sales, support and IT services, manufacturing, accounting, automobile 
sales and financing, marketing and mass media, veterinary and agricultural 
sales, construction and banking.


IIDS research staff submitted sets of three matched application letters and 
résumés (in English) for each type of job, each application having identical 
educational qualifications and levels of experience. The matched applications 
differed only in the name of each male applicant. "No explicit mention of caste 
or religious background was made," explains Thorat. "However, in each matched 
set, one application was for a person who had a stereotypically highcaste Hindu 
family name. The second was for an applicant with an identifiably Muslim name, 
and the third had a distinctively Dalit name." 


The authors of the study introduced a twist, adding one 'discordant' 
application to these three. "For jobs that required a higher degree, we sent in 
an additional application from a person with a high-caste name who only had a 
bachelor's degree. That is, an academically under-qualified person but from a 
socially high ranking group. For jobs that required BA degrees, we added a 
person with a Dalit name who had a master's degree, someone overqualified in 
academic terms but with a socially lower status."


THERE WERE 450 positive outcomes, where employers either phoned or wrote to 
certain 'applicants' asking to interview the person. "We defined a positive 
outcome as simply entering the second stage of the job-search process: being 
contacted for an interview or for testing," says Attewell. As the results 
proved, the odds of a Dalit being invited for an interview were about 
two-thirds of the odds of a high-caste applicant with the same qualifications.. 
The odds of a Muslim applicant being called were worse: only one third as often 
as the high-caste Hindu counterpart. With the discordant applications, it was 
found that an under-qualified high-caste candidate had an edge over an 
overqualified Dalit or Muslim. Says Thorat: "This proves that social exclusion 
is not a residue of the past, nor is it merely a rural phenomenon.. Caste and 
communal discrimination are prevalent in modern corporations." 


Thorat and Attewell say an empirical survey on the presence of Dalits and other 
minorities in the private sector was beyond the scope of this study given 
Indian industry's wariness on this issue. "Companies in India are not obliged 
to report the caste and religious composition of their workforces to the 
government. US law, on the other hand, requires companies of a certain size to 
report the gender and racial composition of their workforces to the federal 
government, and these data are monitored by the Federal Equal Employment 
Opportunity Commission," says Attewell.


The private sector in India, largely unaccountable to any external or internal 
authority on social indices, may soon be forced to change its ways. The Centre 
is all set to establish an Equal Opportunity Commission (EOC). A five-member 
expert committee, likely to be headed by NR Madhava Menon, and including social 
scientists Javed Alam, Satish Deshpande and Yogendra Yadav, will decide on the 
contours of the proposed EOC. "It remains to be seen whether this Commission, 
when formed, will have teeth; and if it does, will they be used to bite," says 
a skeptical A. Ramaiah, Chairperson, Centre for the Study of Social Exclusion 
and Inclusive Policy at the Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai. 

Another paper by Surinder Jodhka, sociologist with Jawaharlal Nehru University, 
and Katherine Newman of Princeton University, presented the results of a 
qualitative interview-based study of 25 human resource managers in large firms 
based in New Delhi and the National Capital Region. These firms have close to 
20 lakh 'core' workers on their payroll. TEHELKA has learnt that the firms 
interviewed included heavyweights like ITC, Jet Airways, Maruti Udyog and Hero 
Honda. "Companies that scored high on the corporate social responsibility index 
were chosen," Jodhka told TEHELKA. The study found that the HR managers spoke a 
new language of merit when describing hiring policies. "Worldliness, 
sophistication, and exposure to international issues were considered essential 
apart from scholastic record," says Newman. 


However, when pressed on whether qualifications alone mattered, every HR 
manager insisted that 'family background' was the clincher. "While Americans 
firms invoke race as a signal, the family in India is seen as a crucible of 
personal qualities. This would indeed contradict the idea of 'merit' which, as 
understood classically, entails rising above one's station and family of 
origin," says Newman. When questions in an interview turn to the 'family', it 
is invariably a euphemism for caste. "However eligible, if the candidate's 
father was not a graduate or was a farmhand, the corporate sector would not 
give him a chance," says Jodhka. Another study of Dalit and non-Dalit graduates 
from Delhi School of Economics, JNU and Jamia Milia Islamia found that several 
Dalit candidates preferred to 'lie' about their background during corporate 
interviews. The IIDS-Princeton study proves that merit is not a technical 
issue; it has a large social component. 


The very structuring of this study demonstrates corporate casteism. When Jodhka 
and Newman wrote to HR managers formally seeking to interview them, Jodhka used 
the JNU letterhead and mentioned Princeton's association with the study. IIDS, 
the pivot of the study, was never mentioned. "Had we used the IIDS letterhead, 
it is possible none of the HR managers would have even entertained our 
questions," says Jodhka.

 







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