http://scroll.in/article/813056/athawale-vs-mayawati-who-is-the-real-ambedkarite

DALIT VOTE

Athawale vs Mayawati: Who is the real Ambedkarite?

With his incessant attacks on the Bahujan Samaj Party chief, it’s
clear that the Union minister is trying to divide Dalit votes in UP to
help the BJP.

Yesterday · 10:30 am
Updated Yesterday · 01:15 pm

Anand Teltumbde

On July 30, Ramdas Athawale, who Narendra Modi inducted into his
Cabinet less than a month ago, kicked off a verbal duel with Mayawati
when he told her that if she claimed to be an Ambedkarite, she should
embrace Buddhism.

>From the manner in which Athawale has been speaking against the
Bahujan Samaj Party chief right from his swearing in as a minister of
state, it has become clear that he has taken the Bharatiya Janata
Party’s supari to divide Dalit votes in the upcoming Assembly
elections in Uttar Pradesh.

Athawale is a Dalit leader from Maharashtra and heads a faction of the
Republican Party of India.

No sooner had Athawale taken his oath than he declared that he would
try to “snatch the elephant” from the Bahujan Samaj Party and waxed
eloquent how the Dalits in Uttar Pradesh had begun to shift towards
the BJP.

Another Dalit Ram-turned Hanuman, Udit Raj (whose first name was Ram
before he changed it), the BJP MP from North West Delhi, jumped into
the fray, challenging Mayawati, claiming that he did more for Dalits
than she did.

Ambedkar and the Ambedkarite
In the Dalit universe any and every thing gets justified in the name
of Babasaheb Ambedkar. The entire business of brokers of Dalit
interests masquerading as their leaders and do-gooders has thrived on
this single principle. The entire splintering of Dalit parties and
organisations is due to this single ploy of being a bigger follower of
Ambedkar than others. This clue has been duly picked up by the
mainstream parties to garner Dalit votes.

The BJP’s current overtures in terms of erecting monuments after
Ambedkar, and exhibition of its allegiance to him, best exemplifies
this stratagem. No wonder then that Athawale invoked Ambedkar to
undermine Mayawati. The underlying claim is the same: I am a real
Ambedkarite and you are not!

The question arises: what is Ambedkar or being an Ambedkarite?

Ambedkar has been an enigmatic personality who evolved all through his
life. He confronted the problem of castes for which there was little
that history could offer him by way of guidance, either in theory or
practice, and little sympathy from the larger society.

Ambedkar, therefore, had to construct his own theory and carve out his
strategies for struggle using the interstices created in political
rivalry between the two major communities – Hindus and Muslims –
within the overall context of the colonial state. For the major part
he has also made use of the latter, from outside and also as an
insider. This, with pragmatic orientation, made Ambedkar change so
much that he would readily accept his inconsistencies and justify them
on the ground that only asses could be consistent. He survives in his
voluminous writings and speeches, besides his illustrious life
account, which are not amenable to separate into what is transitory
and hence polemical and what is of longer-lasting value or
ideological.

Thus, it is not easy to decide what is Ambedkar or what is being
Ambedkarite, least by the ilk of Ramdas Athawale, who have made
misusing these terms into an art form.

The idea of Ambedkar
Even without such coherent ideological guidance, Ambedkar in essence
stands as a beacon for the suffering humanity, especially of south
Asia. There he becomes an immortal idea that inspires people to work
for the goal of human emancipation.

Early on, he targeted annihilation of castes, not from any sectarian
viewpoint as just for the liberation of the Dalits but the entire
people and the country. He saw with castes surviving, nothing good
could grow in the country. Later, he verbalised this very goal in
terms of his ideal society, which he envisioned as based on liberty,
equality and fraternity, not the bourgeois notion of it as associated
with the French Revolution but with the Buddhist conception, a
paradigm in which all these values would be realised in an integrated
form. It is this universalist vision and his single-minded devotion to
achieve it that characterises that idea.

No snapshot of Ambedkar, otherwise, howsoever carefully taken, can
catch his essence. This idea of Ambedkar, transcending space and time
of the historical Ambedkar inspires multitude of people who could be
called Ambedkarites, irrespective of whether they want to be called so
or not.

Some may rightly bring in the question of means.

Ambedkar, in one of his very last speeches, Buddha and Karl Marx,
delivered in Kathmandu, saw that the goal of Marx and Buddha was the
same but they differed in methods for accomplishing it.

He faulted Marx on two counts, for advocating violence and
dictatorship, and therefore took Buddha’s as the superior path. What
is clear is that Ambedkar acknowledged Marx’s as one of the two
creeds, comparable with his most preferred Buddhism, to achieve human
emancipation, but saw its defects.

Should one construe on that basis Ambedkar to be against Marx or
examine whether his reading of Marx was correct?

Ambedkar was pragmatic as well as a critical thinker, who would not
discard anything simply because someone said so. Ambedkarites, at the
least, must reflect this quality.

Ambedkar’s Buddhism
Embracing Buddhism was the culminating point of Ambedkar’s life and
therefore many people think that it is the path that Ambedkarites
should follow. It is an agreeable proposition but the question arises
regarding the conception of Buddhism that Ambedkar had.

He viewed Buddhism as the Dhamma, the way of life, which was in tune
with a modern scientific outlook. As science permitted critical
thinking, he saw Buddhism too promoting it. Buddha had warned his
disciples not to accept anything just because he said so and test it
out on the touchstone of their own intellect and experience.

In writing his gospel of Buddha, The Buddha and His Dhamma, Ambedkar
adopted critical thinking towards traditional Buddhist lore and tried
to project a rational Buddhism.

For the common masses, he acknowledged the need to create an alternate
cultural paradigm when they renounced Hinduism but expected them to
graduate to be prabuddha (enlightened) people. Merely converting to
Buddhism and flaunting Buddhist identity was not enough.

Do we see that kind of Buddhism among the converts?

Leave aside critical thinking, these Buddhists themselves made
Ambedkar a Bodhisatva and followed the same mumbo jumbo of Hinduism in
their Buddhism. Can then Buddhism be an essential ingredient of an
Ambedkarite?

The current Dhamma Chetana Yatra launched by the BJP in Uttar Pradesh
with the help of a bunch of Buddhist monks unmistakably echoes the
same challenge as Athawale has posed to Mayawati. This yatra promoting
Modi and the BJP by using Buddhist monks is the depth of absolute
degeneration of Buddhism, leave aside Ambedkar’s conception of it.

Expectedly, it proved to be a flop show. The yatra, led by the monk
Dhamma Viriyo, was shown black flags by Dalits in the state, which
resulted in BJP president Amit Shah cancelling his plan to attend a
July 31 rally in Agra, where hardly 500 people turned up against the
target of 50,000.

There may not be much dispute that Ambedkar lived as the biggest
critique both of Hinduism as well as Hindutva. The Sangh Parivar is
the fountainhead of Hindutva in our times. For a true Ambedkarite,
therefore, the BJP, which is the Sangh’s political outfit, should have
been untouchable. But Athawale and his ilk, adept at unprincipled and
amoral political somersaults, not only find themselves in the BJP’s
lap but doing their bidding with impunity.

Ambedkar envisaged an engaged Buddhism and was critical of the
slothful Sangh. Today so-called Ambedkarites swear by vipassana as
true Buddhism, much against Ambedkar. The Buddhist monks on the yatra,
with the possible exception of a few, roll in air-conditioned comfort
and property worth crores of rupees.

Mayawati vs Athawale
Kanshiram or Mayawati turned ideological Ambedkar upside down using
astute caste arithmetic to secure political power. It is to their
credit that in the given situation they could come out with a viable
strategy to challenge established ruling class parties. Contrary to
Udit Raj’s claim, they genuinely tried to empower the Dalits but could
not transcend the limits of the system. The best they could do was to
expose the systemic trap to the people and mobilise them to break it,
but instead they chose to be its part. All their misdoings flow from
this choice.

They may be criticised ad infinitum for it, but compared to other
Dalit leaders like Athawale, who have chosen the easier path of
selling the interests of Dalits cheaply for their petty gains under
the guise of being Ambedkarite, the Kanshiram-Mayawati duo look a
thousand times better.

When Athawale challenged Mayawati to become Buddhist, one could remind
him that though Mahars in Maharashtra had converted en masse to
Buddhism following Ambedkar, and in 1990 all these converts were made
eligible for benefits as Scheduled Castes, Athawale had given an
affidavit to the Election Commission, notarised by advocate Dayanand
Mohite on April 3, 2009, that he was a Hindu Mahar.

One would advise Athawale that instead of advising Mayawati, he could
do well to ask Modi to convert to Buddhism to prove his Ambedkar
bhakti.

Rather, if he prevails upon the Sangh Parivar, through his rapport
with them, to convert to Buddhism, he would unconsciously fulfil the
dream of Ambedkar to make the whole of India Buddhist.

The BJP’s desperation for Uttar Pradesh is understandable but its
reliance on Athawales or Udit Rajs may prove to be counterproductive.
As with the Dhamma Chetana Yatra, the intrigues of these Dalit
Hanumans in Uttar Pradesh on behalf of the BJP are going to
consolidate Dalits more firmly behind Mayawati.

Anand Teltumbde is a writer and civil rights activists with the
Committee for Protection of Democratic Rights, Maharashtra.


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Peace Is Doable

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