[The actions in it (the EO) are clustered around the theme of undoing
efforts to address climate change. And the message it sends to federal
employees, other governments, and the private sector is this: The
federal government is no longer interested in reducing greenhouse gas
emissions.
...
The signal it sends to the world is dismal and devastating: a blow to
America’s “soft power,” a stain on its record, and an impediment to
all future international cooperation.
But in its particulars, its damage is limited, and almost none of it
immediate. (Its one immediate effect will be to serve as a full
employment act for environmental lawyers.)
,,,
Millions of lives and billions of dollars are at stake in climate
change, along with untold suffering, unjustly distributed. Time is
agonizingly short. Watching Trump bat the issue around for cheap
populist huzzahs has the air of an absurdist nightmare.]

http://www.vox.com/energy-and-environment/2017/3/29/15098994/trump-executive-order-message-damage

The most damaging part of Trump’s climate change order is the message it sends
“Climate change doesn’t matter” is a devastating signal to the world.

Updated by David Roberts@[email protected]  Mar 29, 2017, 9:20am EDT

“An EO every bit as big as these hands ...” (Photo by Ron
Sach-Pool/Getty Images)

President Donald Trump signed his long-awaited executive order on
“energy independence” yesterday. It was a sprawling mess — a laundry
list of Obama policies Trump wants to “suspend, revise, or rescind.”
If you want to know the details of what it does, read Brad Plumer’s
explainer.

Before it is overshadowed by the next Trump outrage, I want to take a
step back and try to get some perspective on what it tells us about
Trump’s administration, and what it means for climate change.

The EO is a very different beast from the health care bill the
Republicans just failed to pass, but it does have a few things in
common: It expresses no coherent governing philosophy, it is an answer
to no obvious problem, and moves policy in a direction that is wildly
unpopular. The difference is that Trump doesn’t need Congress to do
this, so he just did it.

This EO is a dangerous form of “soft power”
If there is philosophy binding together the disparate elements of the
EO, it’s that climate change doesn’t matter.

***The actions in it are clustered around the theme of undoing efforts
to address climate change. And the message it sends to federal
employees, other governments, and the private sector is this: The
federal government is no longer interested in reducing greenhouse gas
emissions.*** [Emphasis added.]

It is that message, its intangible and “soft power” effects, that is
the most significant part of this EO — more significant, arguably,
than its substance. (Nathan Richardson of Resources for the Future has
a good piece on this.)

***The signal it sends to the world is dismal and devastating: a blow
to America’s “soft power,” a stain on its record, and an impediment to
all future international cooperation.*** [Emphasis added.]

***But in its particulars, its damage is limited, and almost none of
it immediate. (Its one immediate effect will be to serve as a full
employment act for environmental lawyers.)*** [Emphasis added.]

The headlines saying that Trump has wiped out Obama’s climate legacy
are exaggerated. Much of Obama’s legacy cannot be reversed — with the
stimulus bill alone, he set in motion changes in energy markets that
have now achieved an unstoppable momentum. Renewable energy will
continue to get cheaper and grow; coal will continue to decline.

It’s difficult to put numbers on how much the EO will affect carbon
emissions. Larger structural factors, like the price of natural gas,
will matter much more in the near term. Much of the EO’s impact will
only be felt with the passing of years, and only truly felt if Trump
wins a second term.

Its biggest targets — Obama’s EPA rules on carbon from both new and
existing power plants, along with his methane regulations — cannot
simply be erased. The EPA will have to launch a new rulemaking process
for each of the three, and at every step along the way
environmentalists will fight them in court. That process could easily
take longer than a presidential term and there’s no way to predict how
it will turn out.

The endangerment finding — EPA’s ruling that carbon dioxide is an air
pollutant — is still in place. Until it is overturned (which is
unlikely), EPA is legally required to regulate CO2. So EPA
Administrator Scott Pruitt will have to write weaker rules and justify
them in court, which will not be easy, as Plumer explained in detail.
There’s no guarantee he will succeed. (The Bush administration’s
efforts to implement weak regulations on mercury, introduced in 2005,
were finally rejected by the Supreme Court in 2009.)

And those three rules are the only targeted policies with clear,
quantifiable effects. The rest were somewhat more intangible, with
long-term and largely unquantifiable implications. The CEQ guidance on
incorporating climate into environmental reviews; the work done to
quantify the social cost of carbon; orders to agencies on carbon
mitigation and resilience — these were all, in their own ways,
exhortations, nudges to get federal agencies to start thinking about
this stuff.

Trump’s federal agencies won’t do much thinking about climate change
when they make decisions. But we knew that already — nothing in
Obama’s EOs could have forced them to.

What Trump can kill with this EO are seeds Obama planted that would
have borne fruit in coming years, all the stuff he intended to hand
off to Hillary Clinton for her to strengthen.

The EO is scattershot, unmotivated, and unpopular policy
It’s obscure what problem the EO is really intended to solve. No one
was planning to build new coal plants anyway. The Clean Power Plan,
for all the hype around it, wasn’t particularly stringent. Several
states — indeed, most of the states suing the federal government over
it — are already on track to meet its 2024 targets, with or without
policy. Most carbon policy with teeth is being done at the state level
anyway. Lifting the coal moratorium won’t boost coal production or
coal jobs.

Lifting these restrictions on coal (along with the stream-protection
rule Trump reversed earlier) is not going to spark any coal
renaissance or create any new coal jobs. Coal is taking a beating in
the market, here and around the world, because alternatives are
cheaper.

There’s nothing Trump can do about the decline in coal jobs. Even the
most anti-Obama coal executive on the planet, Robert Murray of Murray
Energy, knows this. He supports Trump’s assault on climate policy and
wants it to go further (after all, he stands to benefit!), but he’s
under no illusion it will help coal miners. “I suggested that he
temper his expectations,” Murray told the Guardian about his meeting
with Trump. “He can’t bring [the jobs] back.”

All those coal miners at Trump’s signing ceremony? He told them,
“You’re going back to work.” He literally said those words to their
faces, just before signing.

 Follow
 Juliet Eilperin ✔ @eilperin
"Basically, you know what this is?" Trump says to miners as he signs
exec order. "You know what it says, right? You’re going back to work."
11:59 PM - 28 Mar 2017 · Washington, DC
  1 1 Retweet   4 4 likes

He is lying to them, whether he knows it or not. They are being used
as ghoulish props in a cheap populist pageant. Trump will not put any
of them back to work.

Obama’s regulations took health costs that coal executives were
externalizing onto the public and tried to internalize them into the
price of coal. Trump is reversing that — allowing them to resume
offloading their costs. He’s transferring wealth from the public to
coal executives. That’s all.

It is almost comically plutocratic policy smeared with a thick sheen
of populist rhetoric. There’s no public policy rationale for it.

And it’s wildly unpopular. The number of Americans who are “concerned
believers” in climate change just hit a historic high, as Gallup
reported. More to the point, carbon pollution restrictions on power
plants have always been popular, across demographics. Even among
Republicans! Even among Trump voters!

republicans on climate change
(Yale Project on Climate Change Communication)

This is scattershot and utterly unmotivated policy, rooted in deep
scientific ignorance, enriching a small set of fossil fuel executives
on the basis of no coherent policy rationale.

And for what? So that Trump can go on TV and glad hand with coal miners.

There are 50,000 Americans mining coal*. There are 260,000 Americans
working in the solar industry.

coal employment
Obama’s war on coal began in 1985. (FRED)

As with health care, Trump made grand, impossible promises on the
campaign trail. As with health care, he doesn’t seem to know or care
much about policy details, so he turned writing the policy over to
someone else. For health care, it was libertarian ideologues in
Congress; for climate change, it was climate denialists and fossil
fuel lobbyists.

As with health care, the climate EO is, to quote Jonathan Chait, an
“ultimately doomed effort by a brain-dead party to ignore a problem
with which their dogma cannot grapple.”

As ever, Trump seems oblivious to the gravity of what he’s doing, the
potentially fateful consequences he is risking in exchange for little
more than a photo op. The best hope climate hawks have is that, having
“kept his promise” and had his dramatic signing, Trump will consider
this a job well done and won’t feel the need to pull out of the Paris
climate agreement. Predictions are useless these days.

***Millions of lives and billions of dollars are at stake in climate
change, along with untold suffering, unjustly distributed. Time is
agonizingly short. Watching Trump bat the issue around for cheap
populist huzzahs has the air of an absurdist nightmare.*** [Emphasis
added.]



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