https://scroll.in/article/811727/three-facts-about-bjp-founder-sp-mookerjee-that-a-recent-exhibition-in-delhi-wouldnt-have-revealed

Three facts about BJP founder SP Mookerjee that a recent exhibition in
Delhi did not showNot only was Mookerjee communal, he had troublesome views
on caste and gender, and had no compunction supporting the British against
the Congress.

[image: Three facts about BJP founder SP Mookerjee that a
recent exhibition in Delhi did not show]

Jul 16, 2016 · 10:30 am
Shoaib Daniyal <https://scroll.in/author/362>

On the Bharatiya Janata Party’s website, Shyama Prasad Mookerjee is the
first of the personalities the party calls its “guiding lights”.

Mookerjee, with the backing of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, founded the
Bharatiya Jana Sangh in 1951 after he left the Hindu Mahasabha.

Formed in 1980, the modern-day Bharatiya Janata Party is the direct
successor of the Jana Sangh. Given that the BJP, for the first time in its
history, now enjoys a majority in the Lok Sabha, it is perhaps natural for
the party to want to push its founder and his legacy into the limelight.

A recent exhibition of Shyama Prasad Mookerjee’s life at Delhi’s Nehru
Memorial Museum attempted to not only popularise the Jana Sangh founder
but, given the venue, was a direct attempt by the BJP to replace the
Congress’ icons with its own.

The Nehru Memorial is housed in Jawaharlal Nehru’s former home and is
primarily concerned with documenting his work.

To make the contest between the two legacies even more explicit, BJP
president Amit Shah compared
<http://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-news-india/amit-shah-blames-nehrus-historic-blunder-for-kashmir-issue-2884497/>
 the roles of Nehru and Mookerjee in Kashmir as he inaugurated the
exhibition.

Calling Nehru’s decision to press for a ceasefire in the 1948 Indo-Pakistan
war a “historical blunder”, Shah claimed that it was Mookerjee’s efforts
that had led to Kashmir’s integration into India.

While it is the BJP president’s role to speak well of his party’s founding
father, a robust historical evaluation of Mookerjee’s role is far less
flattering than what Shah would have us believe.

Given his communalism, caste bigotry and largely pro-British attitude,
Mookerjee is actually a rather poor example for modern India to follow.

Here are three uncomfortable facts about the man that sit oddly in modern
India.


*1. Mookerjee believed in the two-nation theory and advocated the Partition
of Bengal*That SP Mookerjee was a Hindu communal leader is a fact not in
any doubt. Pre-1947, Mookerjee was a part of the Hindu Mahasabha and even
rose to become its president.

Bengali politics changed dramatically in 1932 when the Raj released a new
plan of legislative seat allocation known as the Communal Award. Till then,
Bengal, had more Hindu seats in the council than Muslim seats despite being
a Muslim-majority province. The Communal Award reversed this anomaly,
giving more seats to Muslims. It also recognised the depressed classes
(Dalits) as minorities and created separate electorates for them.

To make matters worse for the upper caste bhadralok, in faraway Pune,
Mohandas Gandhi came to an understanding with BR Ambedkar to award a large
portion of Hindu seats to Dalits, in return for joint Hindu-Dalit
electorates. This made the bhadralok’s position even weaker.

The bhadralok’s sudden loss of power made the situation ripe for Hindu
communalism – a situation exploited by Mookerjee who, in 1939, joined
Vinayak Savarkar’s Hindu Mahasabha. He launched a communal campaign,
attacking the Congress for appeasing Muslims.

While the Mahasabha could never attract mass support, it did get a fair bit
of backing from zamindars and Kolkata’s Marwari industrialists, playing a
crucial role in yanking the Bengal Congress to the Right.

Mookerjee was also one of the first backers of a plan to partition Bengal
and played a key role in preparing bhadralok opinion
<https://books.google.co.in/books?id=iDNAQcoVqoMC&redir_esc=y> in favour of
it. This was an emotive issue and as recently as 1905, Bengal’s leading
figures had fought tooth and nail against a colonial plot to partition
Bengal. But by 1946-’47 the increased communal situation and Hindu
insecurity at being a minority in Bengal meant that many bhadraloks were
coming around to considering the idea.

This, of course, is an uncomfortable fact in modern India where any mention
of support for Partition is taboo. The Nehru Memorial exhibition tries to
rationalise this by claiming that Mookerjee saved a “portion of Bengal
especially the historical and strategically important city of Calcutta from
becoming a part of Pakistan” – a strawman given that there was no British
proposal of that sort.

In reality, Mookerjee supported Partition right from 1944, and was once even
 shouted down
<https://books.google.co.in/books?id=H3deCwAAQBAJ&pg=PT172&lpg=PT172&dq=SP+mookerjee+who+had+once+declared+%22the+indivisibility+of+India+was+his+God%22+was+shouted+down+at+a+Mahasabha+rally+for+his+suggestion+that+the+Mahasabha+might+support+the+Rajagopalachari+formula&source=bl&ots=xjF7RzUm3M&sig=%E2%80%9424zpy98uYB_U__0Di2Ooy94ts&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwioyZKvwPDNAhWBLI8KHcnQAXAQ6AEIHzAA#v=onepage&q=SP%20mookerjee%20who%20had%20once%20declared%20%22the%20indivisibility%20of%20India%20was%20his%20God%22%20was%20sho>
 at a Calcutta rally for advocating splitting Bengal. On May 2, 1947,
Mookerjee even wrote
<https://books.google.co.in/books?id=Kr6S2WONpFYC&pg=PA249&lpg=PA249&dq=may+2+letter+mookerjee+mountbatten&source=bl&ots=nuAxdkhtOY&sig=WyJ-fLx9E9AqKW20N_yYtwhIloE&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjtm6ysyfDNAhWLvI8KHQE7CqcQ6AEIGzAA#v=onepage&q=may%202%20letter%20mookerjee%20mountbatten&f=false>
 secretly to Viceroy Louis Mountbatten asking for Bengal to be partitioned
even if India remained united.

Mookerjee would also vehemently oppose plans for a united, independent
Bengal being pushed by the Prime Minister of Bengal, Hussain Suhrawardy,
and the two major Congress leaders in Bengal, Sarat Chandra Bose (older
brother of Subhash Chandra Bose) and Kiran Sankar Roy. Mookerjee preferred
a communal Partition as per the two-nation theory instead.

Mookerjee soon realised what a disaster Bengal’s partition was and, by
1951, was asking for it to be annulled – easier said than done given that
by then East Bengal was a part of Pakistan.

This cynical U-turn, though, didn’t help him and in the 1952 elections, the
Jana Sangh won <http://www.ndtv.com/elections/previous-stats> less than 4%
of the seats in the West Bengal state Assembly. Later, the main sufferers
of Partition, Hindu immigrants from East Bengal, would form the backbone of
the Communist Party of India (Marxist) even as Hindutva politics nearly
went extinct in the state.
[image: A 1947 newspaper cutting from the exhibit.]A 1947 newspaper cutting
from the exhibit.


*2. SP Mookerjee was a religious fundamentalist*Despite being academically
accomplished and the son of the famous educationist Sir Ashutosh Mookerjee,
SP Mookerjee was a far-right religious conservative. During the
debilitating Bengal Famine of 1943-’44, one of the major concerns of the
Mookerjee-led Hindu Mahasabha in Bengal was that government canteens,
employing Muslim and lower caste cooks, made it impossible for many Hindus
to eat without breaking caste – an amazingly petty consideration to have
during a disaster in which around three million Bengalis died of hunger.

Additionally, allegations
<https://books.google.co.in/books?id=iGuMCwAAQBAJ&printsec=frontcover&dq=hungry+bengal&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjuxZzkzfDNAhWFsI8KHa0hBS0Q6AEIGzAA#v=onepage&q=t.g.%20narayan&f=false>
 of communal bias and corruption in its famine relief efforts were made
against the Mahasabha by the Bengal government, reputed journalist TG
Narayan of the *Hindu*, who covered the disaster, as well as famous artist
Chittoprasad
<http://thewire.in/48292/painful-sights-chittaprosad-on-bjp-icon-s-p-mookerjees-bengal-village/>
.

At times, SP Mookerjee’s caste and communal biases would come together in a
medley of bigotry. For instance, in her book
<https://books.google.co.in/books?id=iDNAQcoVqoMC&redir_esc=y>, *Bengal
Divided: Hindu communalism and Partition 1932-1947*, historian Joya
Chatterji cited a note written by Mookerjee to show that he felt a sense of
superiority as an upper caste Hindu “fed by the belief that Bengali Muslims
were, by and large, ‘a set of converts’ from the dregs of Hindu society”.

After Independence, SP Mookerjee would do his best to stymie the efforts of
Nehru and Ambedkar to modernise Hindu law. He attacked pro-women measures
such as the introduction of monogamy and divorce into Hindu law, which, he
claimed, would “do away with the fundamental and sacred nature of Hindu
marriage” and end up “killing the very fountain source of your [the Hindu]
religion”.

A person who was a bigot on caste, religion *and* gender is an unlikely
model for India in 2016.


*3. He had no qualms supporting the British even at the height of the
freedom struggle*At the time of the Quit India movement in 1942, Mookerjee
was the Finance Minister of Bengal and the second most senior minister in
the government after Bengal’s Prime Minister, Fazlul Haq.

Mookerjee’s party, the Hindu Mahasabha, had decided to cooperate with the
colonial government given that, in their view, the real battle was against
India’s Muslims. The party even helped the British recruit for World War
II, with Vinayak Savarkar appealing for Hindus to enlist in large numbers
in the colonial army.

In Bengal, Mookerjee stuck to his party line, preparing to cooperate with
the British and, as a corollary, oppose the Congress as it prepared to
launch its final mass struggle, the 1942 Quit India movement.

On July 26, 1942, Mookerjee wrote to the British governor of Bengal, John
Herbert, laying out a plan to combat the Congress. “Anybody who, during the
war, plans to stir up mass feelings, resulting in internal disturbances or
insecurity, must be resisted by any government that may function for the
time being,” promised
<http://www.frontline.in/books/political-adventurer/article4985553.ece>
Mookerjee.
“As one of your Ministers, I am willing to offer you my whole-hearted
cooperation and serve my province and country at this hour of crisis”.

This is a deeply embarrassing letter and even more so in Bengal where
anti-British sentiment was running at fever pitch at the time.

In 1939, Mahomed Ali Jinnah announced a Day of Deliverance to celebrate the
resignation of eight provincial Congress ministries to protest the
inclusion of India into World War II. So deep were the anti-colonial
feelings in Bengal at the time that Abdur Rahman Siddique, a Bengali on the
Muslim League’s working committee, resigned to protest Jinnah’s
announcement calling it “an insult to national prestige” and a “flattery of
British colonialism”.

In circumstances like these, to have Mookerjee try and ingratiate himself
in front of the British makes him an embarrassment rather than a leader to
follow for modern India.




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Peace Is Doable

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