Air Force Seeks Bush's Approval for Space Weapons Programs
By TIM WEINER
http://www.nytimes.com/2005/05/18/business/18space.html?ei=5065&en=60787fcf0
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The Air Force, saying it must secure space to protect the nation from
attack, is seeking President Bush's approval of a national-security
directive that could move the United States closer to fielding offensive and
defensive space weapons, according to White House and Air Force officials.

The proposed change would be a substantial shift in American policy. It
would almost certainly be opposed by many American allies and potential
enemies, who have said it may create an arms race in space.

A senior administration official said that a new presidential directive
would replace a 1996 Clinton administration policy that emphasized a more
pacific use of space, including spy satellites' support for military
operations, arms control and nonproliferation pacts.

Any deployment of space weapons would face financial, technological,
political and diplomatic hurdles, although no treaty or law bans Washington
from putting weapons in space, barring weapons of mass destruction.

A presidential directive is expected within weeks, said the senior
administration official, who is involved with space policy and insisted that
he not be identified because the directive is still under final review and
the White House has not disclosed its details.

Air Force officials said yesterday that the directive, which is still in
draft form, did not call for militarizing space. "The focus of the process
is not putting weapons in space," said Maj. Karen Finn, an Air Force
spokeswoman, who said that the White House, not the Air Force, makes
national policy. "The focus is having free access in space."

With little public debate, the Pentagon has already spent billions of
dollars developing space weapons and preparing plans to deploy them.

"We haven't reached the point of strafing and bombing from space," Pete
Teets, who stepped down last month as the acting secretary of the Air Force,
told a space warfare symposium last year. "Nonetheless, we are thinking
about those possibilities."

In January 2001, a commission led by Donald H. Rumsfeld, then the newly
nominated defense secretary, recommended that the military should "ensure
that the president will have the option to deploy weapons in space."

It said that "explicit national security guidance and defense policy is
needed to direct development of doctrine, concepts of operations and
capabilities for space, including weapons systems that operate in space."

The effort to develop a new policy directive reflects three years of work
prompted by the report. The White House would not say if all the report's
recommendations would be adopted.

In 2002, after weighing the report of the Rumsfeld space commission,
President Bush withdrew from the 30-year-old Antiballistic Missile Treaty,
which banned space-based weapons.

Ever since then, the Air Force has sought a new presidential policy
officially ratifying the concept of seeking American space superiority.

The Air Force believes "we must establish and maintain space superiority,"
Gen. Lance Lord, who leads the Air Force Space Command, told Congress
recently. "Simply put, it's the American way of fighting." Air Force
doctrine defines space superiority as "freedom to attack as well as freedom
from attack" in space.

The mission will require new weapons, new space satellites, new ways of
doing battle and, by some estimates, hundreds of billions of dollars. It
faces enormous technological obstacles. And many of the nation's allies
object to the idea that space is an American frontier.

Yet "there seems little doubt that space-basing of weapons is an accepted
aspect of the Air Force" and its plans for the future, Capt. David C.
Hardesty of the Naval War College faculty says in a new study.

A new Air Force strategy, Global Strike, calls for a military space plane
carrying precision-guided weapons armed with a half-ton of munitions.
General Lord told Congress last month that Global Strike would be "an
incredible capability" to destroy command centers or missile bases "anywhere
in the world."

Pentagon documents say the weapon, called the common aero vehicle, could
strike from halfway around the world in 45 minutes. "This is the type of
prompt Global Strike I have identified as a top priority for our space and
missile force," General Lord said.

The Air Force's drive into space has been accelerated by the Pentagon's
failure to build a missile defense on earth. After spending 22 years and
nearly $100 billion, Pentagon officials say they cannot reliably detect and
destroy a threat today.

"Are we out of the woods? No," Lt. Gen. Trey Obering, who directs the
Missile Defense Agency, said in an interview. "We've got a long way to go, a
lot of testing to do."

While the Missile Defense Agency struggles with new technology for a
space-based laser, the Air Force already has a potential weapon in space.

In April, the Air Force launched the XSS-11, an experimental microsatellite
with the technical ability to disrupt other nations' military reconnaissance
and communications satellites.

Another Air Force space program, nicknamed Rods From God, aims to hurl
cylinders of tungsten, titanium or uranium from the edge of space to destroy
targets on the ground, striking at speeds of about 7,200 miles an hour with
the force of a small nuclear weapon.

A third program would bounce laser beams off mirrors hung from space
satellites or huge high-altitude blimps, redirecting the lethal rays down to
targets around the world. A fourth seeks to turn radio waves into weapons
whose powers could range "from tap on the shoulder to toast," in the words
of an Air Force plan.

Captain Hardesty, in the new issue of the Naval War College Review, calls
for "a thorough military analysis" of these plans, followed by "a larger
public debate."

"To proceed with space-based weapons on any other foundation would be the
height of folly," he concludes, warning that other nations not necessarily
allies would follow America's lead into space.

Despite objections from members of Congress who thought "space should be
sanctified and no weapons ever put in space," Mr. Teets, then the Air Force
under secretary, told the space-warfare symposium last June that "that
policy needs to be pushed forward."

Last month, Gen. James E. Cartwright, who leads the United States Strategic
Command, told the Senate Armed Services nuclear forces subcommittee that the
goal of developing space weaponry was to allow the nation to deliver an
attack "very quickly, with very short time lines on the planning and
delivery, any place on the face of the earth."

Senator Jeff Sessions, a Republican from Alabama who is chairman of the
subcommittee, worried that the common aero vehicle might be used in ways
that would "be mistaken as some sort of attack on, for example, Russia."

"They might think it would be a launch against them of maybe a nuclear
warhead," Senator Sessions said. "We want to be sure that there could be no
misunderstanding in that before we authorize going forward with this
vehicle."

General Cartwright said that the military would "provide every opportunity
to ensure that it's not misunderstood" and that Global Strike simply aimed
to "expand the choices that we might be able to offer to the president in
crisis."

Senior military and space officials of the European Union, Canada, China and
Russia have objected publicly to the notion of American space superiority.

They think that "the United States doesn't own space - nobody owns space,"
said Teresa Hitchens, vice president of the Center for Defense Information,
a policy analysis group in Washington that tends to be critical of the
Pentagon. "Space is a global commons under international treaty and
international law."

No nation will "accept the U.S. developing something they see as the death
star," Ms. Hitchens told a Council on Foreign Relations meeting last month.
"I don't think the United States would find it very comforting if China were
to develop a death star, a 24/7 on-orbit weapon that could strike at targets
on the ground anywhere in 90 minutes."

International objections aside, Randy Correll, an Air Force veteran and
military consultant, told the council, "the big problem now is it's too
expensive."

The Air Force does not put a price tag on space superiority. Published
studies by leading weapons scientists, physicists and engineers say the cost
of a space-based system that could defend the nation against an attack by a
handful of missiles could be anywhere from $220 billion to $1 trillion.

Richard Garwin, widely regarded as a dean of American weapons science, and
three colleagues wrote in the March issue of IEEE Spectrum, the professional
journal of electric engineering, that "a space-based laser would cost $100
million per target, compared with $600,000 for a Tomahawk missile."

"The psychological impact of such a blow might rival that of such
devastating attacks as Hiroshima," they wrote. "But just as the unleashing
of nuclear weapons had unforeseen consequences, so, too, would the
weaponization of space."

Surveillance and reconnaissance satellites are a crucial component of space
superiority. But the biggest new spy satellite program, Future Imagery
Architecture, has tripled in price to about $25 billion while producing less
than promised, military contractors say. A new space technology for
detecting enemy launchings has risen to more than $10 billion from a
promised $4 billion, Mr. Teets told Congress last month.

But General Lord said such problems should not stand in the way of the Air
Force's plans to move into space.

"Space superiority is not our birthright, but it is our destiny," he told an
Air Force conference in September. "Space superiority is our day-to-day
mission. Space supremacy is our vision for the future."



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