http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2012/1117/op1.htm


Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875
4 - 10 October 2012
Issue No. 1117
Opinion

Human rights and Egypt's future
Human rights are essential to all peoples, but also institutions, for without 
protected human rights, social instability reigns, writes Mona Makram-Ebeid 

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These are extraordinary times with incommensurable feelings of optimism and 
dread in the air. Still unfolding are struggles for supremacy between forces of 
democracy and others inwardly looking, whose references are to a past that has 
long vanished, a fragile global ecosystem and the much vaunted but highly 
elusive more equitable economic order. Woven into this matrix of power 
relations are challenges to gender, religious beliefs and class inequities 
perpetuated by institutions with inherent patriarchal, intolerant and 
autocratic tendencies. The tensions these struggles create cause fear and 
uncertainty for many people, but for those who work in human rights, there has 
never been such a moment of unique opportunity to introduce the future to the 
present. 

Human rights activists, politicians, academics, lawyers, judges, reformers and 
"movers and shakers" now have an unprecedented opportunity to develop new 
values, mechanisms and strategies to guide and shape the future. 2011 in our 
Arab region, was the year of the people, "the power of the powerless", the year 
of the revolution, and most importantly a revolution anchored in -- and 
inspired by -- the power of an idea: human rights, and of international human 
rights law -- freedom, human dignity, social justice; in other words, the 
internationalisation of human rights and the humanisation of international law, 
as the revolutionary change agent of the human rights revolution. 

Today one of the most prescient demands of all the political forces in Egypt, 
intellectuals and youth movements is to move to a State of Law, which must be 
clearly embedded in the constitution. It is this notion of a jurisprudential 
revolution as a revolutionary change agent from an arbitrary system, to a State 
of Law that will determine the real success of the 25 January Revolution. The 
only way to lay the foundation for a civil, democratic, modern and egalitarian 
state is through the establishment of a genuine national consensus on the 
principles of constitutionalism that guarantees equality and equal 
participation for all Egyptians without distinction on grounds such as 
religion, race, and class or gender. 

On the other hand, the standard of humane incorporation requires that 
non-Muslims in a Muslim majority country be granted equal citizenship with 
equal opportunities to enjoy their own religious identities, particularly that 
there is a long and rich history of accommodation and cooperation between 
Muslims and non-Muslims in Egypt. Moreover, there is sufficient Islamic 
theological and legal basis for this accommodation and cooperation. The role of 
the human rights movement must therefore be one of strategic advocacy impelled 
by the imperative of solidarity, on the one hand, and the interdependent 
universe we inhabit on the other, and that strategic advocacy must be seen as 
being empowered by the people and the idea of human rights as tools of the 
revolution.

One of the most important advocacy functions and indispensable to the promotion 
and protection of human rights is the investigation, documentation, exposure 
and denouncing of violations of human rights and violators themselves. In other 
words, what is involved here is the mobilisation of shame against human rights 
violations, whether it be governments or individuals; the notion that the 
"whole world is watching".

Accordingly, this fact-finding function is crucial to the protection of human 
rights. In many countries, government themselves have become increasingly 
dependent on the fact-finding of non-governmental human rights organisations 
and even the intergovernmental machinery, such as the UN Commission on Human 
Rights or the Human Rights Committee under the International Covenant on Civil 
and Political Rights, would be virtually incapacitated in the absence of NGO 
briefs, petitions, documentary evidence, legal analysis and written and oral 
interventions. 

Today, NGOs are increasingly playing a formative role in the initiation, 
drafting, interpretation and application of international human rights 
agreements. For example, the work of women's rights groups played an important 
legislative role in the initiation and enactment of the Convention on the 
Elimination of Discrimination against Women as well as highlighting the global 
pattern of violence against women. But as long as the perception of women's 
role as reproducers and caretakers is not changed, human rights will never be 
human. 

The educational process towards creating a culture of human rights and respect 
for the right to be different is especially important during a period of 
transition to democracy, because the struggle for human rights is not only to 
curb abuses of power but also to promote the democratic exercise of power. 

A corollary to and support system for the development of the rule of law and 
the process of democratisation is the "constitutionalisation" of rights in a 
rights charter. A recent charter of rights for a post-revolution constitutional 
democracy in Egypt was issued by a group of scholars of different political and 
religious hues (I was privileged to be one of them) who gathered together under 
the enlightened guidance of the grand imam of Al-Azhar, the highest authority 
in the Islamic world, Ahmed Al-Tayeb, a graduate of the Sorbonne.

In the early announcement of the newly formed National Council for Human Rights 
(NCHR), there was concern that differences of opinion and ideological 
background amongst members were potentially so great that they would be 
unbridgeable. Nevertheless, during the first meeting of the council, which took 
place 23 September under the very able leadership of judge Hossam Al-Gheriani, 
a highly respected and well seasoned legal authority, and his deputy, 
Abdel-Ghaffar Shukr, a staunch defender of human rights and founder of the 
Socialist Popular Alliance Party, set the pace when judge Al-Gheriani said: 
"The only thing that unites us is our commitment to the safeguard and 
protection of human rights," which is why we believe that communication across 
divides of beliefs, gender, religion, professional and social background, would 
identify and deal with barriers to progress better than any single perspective 
would. 

The aim pursued, as he said, is to seek enlightenment as to the way forward 
through confronting in dialogue groups that are perhaps unaccustomed to meet 
one another. It is my belief that once such a process of civilised dialogue was 
in place, realistic approaches to shared problems and challenges would evolve. 
Undoubtedly, full agreement about ultimate remedies remains utopian, but we 
believe that open communication, the process of learning and sharing, the 
identification of common objectives and purposes will in the long run emphasise 
the multidimensional nature of human rights and the layered responses that are 
required in order to start building foundations for effective cooperation and 
consensus. 

It is obvious from the many studies that have been distributed to us as well as 
the annual reports of the NCHR that the traditional study of human rights has 
not kept pace with science and technology, such as the scientific advances in 
mind manipulation techniques, or genetic engineering or the increased ability 
of the computer to invade privacy -- all these raise more moral, legal and 
ethical issues. That is why the legal skills underlying the evolution and 
articulation of human rights must be integrated with the views of NGOs, 
economists, sociologists, feminists, scientists and grassroots activists, as 
judge Al-Gheriani emphasised, mix with the people, he said; we must listen to 
people, because academic debates about social and civil rights are meaningless 
to the majority of Egyptian citizens oppressed by poverty, low wages, and 
inaccessible education. So if we want peace and stability to be achieved, human 
rights must be as real and concrete as their violations are. 

Among the important tasks of the newly established NCHR is not only to 
articulate the basic principles of a code of conduct respecting the rights of 
minorities, but of working for and monitoring the implementation of such a 
code, particularly that the dialectics of the post-revolution period have given 
birth to a host of xenophobic actions, requiring thereby appropriate mechanisms 
-- legal and institutional -- to control incitement to religious intolerance of 
the Other. 

On the other hand, and in the light of the dramatic events that followed the 
issuing of a despicable film injurious to the Prophet Mohammed and insulting to 
both the Islamic and Arab populations, it might be recommended to make a 
proposal to the UN supporting combating and criminalising hate propaganda 
against all religious figures and beliefs. NGOs should support such an 
initiative and lobby for its adoption among participating states. 

It is also noteworthy that many of the economic proposals recommended by the 
IMF and others, be it a market economy or removal of subsidies or price reform, 
are going to result -- and have already resulted -- in serious economic 
dislocation and social grievances. Accordingly, it is important that 
appropriate consideration be given for social safety nets -- networks of 
medicare, social security and unemployment insurance. 

NGOs and the NCHR have a particular role to play in ensuring that Western 
nations and international organisations do not make an automatic transplant of 
notions and institutions -- such as an immediate removal of subsidies -- that 
are themselves anchored in a particular political experience without seeing 
that this transplant and stringent economic measures may result in greater 
injury and instability. It is worth adding that the past council has 
"Accreditation A" status with the International Coordinating Committee of 
National Human Rights Institutions. It is one of the major challenges of the 
newly appointed council to preserve this status.

In conclusion, let us remember that one person, the greatest historical figure 
of our time, Nelson Mandela, symbolising the "power of the powerless", in 
solidarity with the international human rights regime, brought about the 
dismantling of the hated apartheid regime and the building of a post-apartheid 
non-racial and just democratic society.

Egypt today stands at an important crossroads. For the first time in its long 
history it has a president elected by popular mandate. And though the road 
ahead is tough and bumpy, the possibility, while still fragile, of democracy 
triumphing is also there. That is why we run the risk now of not only betraying 
the revolution but also losing it if the human rights movement abandons the 
revolution and its demands

The writer is a political science professor and former MP.


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