http://dawn.com/2012/12/05/globalisation-paradigms/

Globalisation paradigms
>From the Newspaper | Niaz Murtaza | 7 hours ago 

GLOBALISATION provokes heated debates. While anti-globalisation groups 
highlight the problems faced by developing countries from premature trade and 
capital inflow liberalisation, its supporters emphasise the stagnation in 
countries like North Korea that remain delinked from the global economy.

So, does globalisation help or hurt developing countries?

Since globalisation is a complex concept, one must disaggregate it to answer 
this question meaningfully. Simply stated, globalisation means an increase in 
cross-border interactions that lead to high similarity globally in different 
life spheres.

Cross-border interactions include the flow of goods, services, finances, 
people, nature, laws and ideas. Thus, though people generally mainly focus on 
economic globalisation, one can also speak of globalisation in other life 
spheres, e.g. political, cultural, psychological and ecological globalisation.

Given globalisation’s multifaceted nature, a closer look unsurprisingly reveals 
that neither supporters nor opponents accept or reject it in totality. So, 
neoliberal groups favour greater flow of capital and trade globally which 
benefits them. However, they oppose the greater flow of people (immigration) 
into developed countries and technology and aid to developing countries.

They also oppose greater political globalisation under the aegis of democratic 
global institutions since it undermines their interests. Thus, it is 
simultaneously pro- and anti-globalisation. The same is true of other 
stakeholders. So, instead of one monolithic globalisation template seeking to 
enhance all global flows, there exist several globalisation projects, each run 
by competing interest groups and seeking to increase certain transnational 
flows and reduce others in line with their interests. Viewed so, the question 
is not whether globalisation helps or hurts developing countries but which 
globalisation project helps or hurts them.

Five major contrasting globalisation projects exist today—three right-wing and 
two left-wing ones.

The most well-known right-wing project is neoliberal globalisation, which 
emerged around 1980 in Europe and the US in reaction to the increasing powers 
of governments and unions and shrinking corporate profits. The coalition for 
this project includes conservative politicians, large-scale business interests, 
neoclassical economists and multilateral economic institutions.

Although neoliberal globalisation benefits the rich, it actually harms 
developing countries. While academic work on the pitfalls of hasty 
liberalisation also undermined neo-liberalism, the more decisive blow to its 
credibility came from several financial crises it caused globally, including in 
Mexico in 1994, Southeast Asia in 1996, Russia in 1998 and globally in 2008.

The other two right-wing projects transgress the realms of legality. The first— 
underground globalisation — is run by criminal cartels involved in the illegal 
flows of goods, services, people, finances and nature globally. Its rise has 
ironically been facilitated by neo-liberalism as governmental capacities to 
control cross-border flows have shrunk under the influence of neoliberal 
ideology. Thus, illegal globalisation represents deep neo-liberalism: the 
complete absence of government control, legality and morality.

In contrast, the Al Qaeda-led jihadist globalisation project has emerged in 
opposition to neoliberal globalisation. Unlike neoliberal and underground 
globalisation, it focuses on political and cultural, rather than economic, 
globalisation and dreams of establishing a global fundamentalist caliphate. 
Obviously, neither of these right-wing globalisation projects benefit 
developing countries.

The first left-wing project is Keynesian globalisation championed by Keynesian 
economists like Joseph Stiglitz. Keynesian globalisation-related national 
policies seek foreign aid, technology, long-term investments and export markets 
for goods and labour while discouraging short-term, footloose, capital inflows 
and the import of intermediate goods which the country seeks to manufacture and 
export.

In practice, Keynesian globalisation policies have underpinned the success of 
several Asian countries, including Japan, the Asian tigers and, more recently, 
China and India. Despite its success, Keynesian globalisation carries limited 
replication potential for developing countries due to several reasons. Firstly, 
negatively affected by the success of these Asian countries, developed 
countries now actively seek to block such policies through bilateral and 
multilateral treaties with developing countries.

Secondly, such policies require strong governance which most developing 
countries lack.

Thirdly, the success of these Asian countries has arrested the 
industrialisation of other developing countries since aggregate global demand 
can support a limited number of cheap manufacturing countries. Finally, such 
policies have accelerated ecological globalisation (global warming) as these 
Asian countries have become large polluters.

Led by ecological economists and green activists, the second left-wing 
globalisation project emerged out of environmental concerns and can be termed 
as the green globalisation project. While the green movement may not see itself 
as a globalisation project since it opposes neo-liberal globalisation 
vociferously, it supports globalisation along several dimensions. While it 
opposes unfettered trade and capital flows, it supports greater global 
regulation (political globalisation), and flow of aid and technology to poor 
countries and of migrants to rich countries.

The project opposes Western cultural hegemony but supports cultural 
globalisation based on mutual respect and learning. Greens point to the large 
literature that shows that wealth does not increase life satisfaction beyond a 
certain level but precipitates global warming and increasing inequality. Thus, 
Greens favour steady-state, low-growth economies where countries live within 
the world’s ecological limits. Greens argue that this goal should be pursued 
immediately by rich countries, and subsequently by developing countries once 
they eradicate poverty based on freer and larger flow of technology, aid and 
investments from developed countries.

Thus, all projects support some form of globalisation. The closest exponent of 
complete de-globalisation is North Korea, whose abysmal record should deter 
others from following this path. That said, the green globalisation which will 
most benefit developing countries and actually all humankind is very different 
from the neoliberal globalisation template which today is globalisation’s most 
actively marketed brand.

The writer is a political economist at the University of California, Berkeley.


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