>Subject: [pttp] Iraqi Sanctions Monitor Number 75
>Status:
>
>Iraqi Sanctions Monitor Number 75
>Friday, June 16 2000
>
>LATEST NEWS + VIEWS + MESSAGES
>
>Gulf war reparations may take Iraq more than a century to pay
>(The Guardian, June 16)
>
>Iraq faces a series of gigantic claims for Gulf war damage - so large that
>there is almost no way to recover the money, short of extending sanctions
>for well over 100 years.
>
>Although Iraq has so far paid about $7bn, further claims amounting to $276bn
>are in the pipeline at the United Nations Compensation Commission in Geneva.
>
>Until now, the commission has processed the smallest and
>most straightforward claims. But this week it turned to the first of the big
>ones: a $21.5bn demand from Kuwait.
>
>The scale of the claims has put experts and officials in a quandary. Some
>argue that future generations of Iraqis cannot reasonably be expected to
>continue paying for Saddam Hussein's folly. Others insist that war victims
>are entitled to compensation and that to let Saddam off the hook would set a
>dangerous precedent.
>
>Altogether, about 100 governments have lodged 2.6m separate claims, on their
>own behalf and on behalf of individuals and companies.
>
>Of the claims processed so far, many have been reduced substantially by the
>UNCC. One, from the Egyptian government, sought $491m for 915,000 workers
>but was eventually settled at just $84m.
>
>Although Iraq agreed 10 years ago to pay compensation for losses caused by
>the invasion and occupation of Kuwait, there was no practical way to recover
>the money until December 1996 when the UN's oil-for-food programme started.
>Since then, 30% of the revenue from Iraq's oil sales under the programme has
>been deducted to pay for war damage and the cost of running the UN
>commission.
>
>The amount that can be collected in this way varies with oil prices but is
>currently $400m a month. At that rate, if all the outstanding claims were
>approved, it would take Iraq 58 years from now to pay off the debt.
>
>But as soon as the main debt is paid Iraq will be required to pay interest,
>at a rate still to be decided, for the delays in compensation since 1990.
>Even at a very modest rate of 3% a year, interest charges could amount to a
>further $320bn - in which case Iraq would still be paying for the invasion
>of Kuwait in the year 2125.
>
>Iraq's compensation payments are, however, dependent on continuation of the
>oil-for-food programme. A Foreign Office spokesman confirmed yesterday that
>the UN has no way of enforcing payments if sanctions are lifted.
>
>Unless an alternative mechanism is found, the UN may eventually have to
>choose between abandoning hope of compensation and continuing sanctions into
>the next century.
>Arthur Rovine, president of the American Society of International Law and an
>expert on Gulf war compensation, said that when the oil-for-food programme
>ends `the chances of the claimants collecting all the monies due them would
>be reduced severely and perhaps to nil".
>
>He continued: `Unless Iraq agreed to a mechanism and process similar to the
>UNCC, the only alternative would be lawsuits by claimants around the world
>in places where they can attach Iraqi assets, including oil assets.
>
>`Whether or not such lawsuits represent a viable alternative is open to
>serious question. In my judgment, it would be a completely disorganised
>alternative."
>
>The UNCC has already awarded $2.9bn to Kuwaiti oil companies for the
>destruction of property and the cost of putting out fires in hundreds of oil
>wells set alight by Iraq during the war.
>
>The $21.5bn claim now under consideration - which Kuwait has backed up with
>a million documents - is for lost revenue and for oil spilled or destroyed
>during the war. `This is the big one we've all been waiting for,' a diplomat
>said.
>Khaled al-Mudaf, chairman of Kuwait's Public Authority for Assessment of
>Compensation, called on the UNCC to `confirm Iraq's responsibility before
>the international community for its criminal acts and its liability to
>compensate for all consequential damage and loss". He said Iraqi occupying
>forces had mined Kuwait's oilfields so as to destroy the emirate. `Just
>before its forces withdrew from Kuwait, Iraq ordered the complete blowing up
>of Kuwait's oilfield infrastructure: production, refining and export."
>
>But independent experts who evaluated the claim are understood to have
>recommended reducing it to $15.9bn.
>Although the UNCC has always accepted expert recommendations so far, this
>claim is seen as an issue of principle and could go to a vote. Yesterday,
>the commission members failed to agree and postponed their decision for two
>weeks.
>
> Kamil Mahdi, an economist of Iraqi origin at Exeter University, said:
>`There's no indication yet how the commission is going to deal with this..
>
>`We haven't got to the position yet where these very large claims have been
>awarded, and it's important that they should not be awarded. Jordan, for
>example, is claiming $8bn and its economy is minute. It's astounding."
>
>He added: `We're talking of many, many generations of Iraqis to pay this
>burden. The whole question has to be solved politically."
>
>
>Turkish official confirms policy on Iraq's territorial integrity
>Text of report in English by the Turkish news agency Anatolia
>
>Ankara, 14th June: Ankara continues its policy regarding preservation of
>Iraq's territorial integrity and thinks that Baghdad administration has
>responsibilities regarding the solution of problem in Iraq.
>
>Diplomatic sources said Foreign Ministry Undersecretary Faruk Logoglu
>conveyed important messages to Iraqi administration during his visit to this
>country between 4th and 7th June.
>
>Within this framework, Logoglu stressed that northern Iraq was a part of
>Iraq and reiterated the policy that "Iraq's territorial integrity should be
>preserved".
>
>The same sources pointed out that the other message given to Baghdad
>administration was that the "problem should be solved within Iraq's own
>structure". Sources said Iraqi officials were told that Iraqi administration
>has important responsibilities in the solution.
>
>Pointing out that after Iraq withdrew its administrative structure from the
>northern part of the country, a gap was formed in the region, the sources
>said Iraq should assume a more active role in filling this gap and make
>peace with its people in the north, and that they should rely on those
>people. The sources said these points were conveyed to the Iraqi side within
>the framework of the visit.
>
>Source: Anatolia news agency, Ankara, in English 1457 gmt 14 Jun 00.
>
>
>
>Official says US fleet watches tankers smuggling Iraqi oil
>Text of report by Iranian radio on 16th June
>
>Despite the [UN] embargo on the export of oil by Iraq, this country [Iraq]
>smuggles oil to other countries of the region, through collaboration of some
>Arab states and under the watchful eyes [vernacular: nezarat] of the
>American fleet in the Persian Gulf.
>
>According to a report by the Central News Unit, the managing director of
>Iran's Ports and Shipping Organization, [Hamid] Kalantari, while announcing
>the above yesterday, added: The Iraqi oil export has created some problems
>by polluting the marine environment. We have allocated a sum of 20m dollars
>to purchase and erect sophisticated equipment in order to clean the
>pollution left by such oil tankers.
>
>Source: Voice of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Tehran, in Persian 0330 gmt
>16 Jun 00.
>
>
>MESSAGES + MISCELLANY
>
>
>Thousands of miles from Incirlik Air Base in Turkey, the no-fly zones
>recently went on trial.   Professor Jeffery Weiss wrote this elegant
>synopsis, which touches on the legality, effectiveness, and responsibility
>of protest.
> An article from the Des Moines Register is also attached.
>
>Note that Professor Weiss offers a free report on the no-fly zones (write
>him at [EMAIL PROTECTED]).
>
>Regards,
>Drew Hamre
>Golden Valley, MN USA
>Dear friends,
>............................................
>
>As promised, please find enclosed below an excerpt from Scott Ritter's
>latest -- and most detailed and thus most powerful -- article on Iraq's
>disarmament. The article is called "The Case for Iraq's Qualitative
>Disarmament." It is currently in press, and will be published by "Arms
>Control Today."
>
>The reference for the article is:  Scott Ritter, "The Case for Iraq's
>Qualitative Disarmament,"  Arms Control Today, Volume 30, Number 5, June
>2000, pg. __
>
>The URL for the article is:
>http://www.armscontrol.org/ACT/june00/iraqjun.htm
>
>Included below are the most powerful excerpts from his article. These
>statements should be used in the discussion with Butler. My apologies
>for the delay in sharing this with you -- please note that Butler will be
>on-line at 5 pm EST!
>
>I STRONGLY recommend reading this article by Scott Ritter. It is an
>excellent and very powerful resource for us to use in our struggle to end
>the war against the people of Iraq.
>
>Once again, the article can be viwed
>at: http://www.armscontrol.org/ACT/june00/iraqjun.htm
>
>- Rania Masri
>
>.......................................................
>
>SCOTT RITTER:
>
>"Given the comprehensive nature of the monitoring regime put in place by
>UNSCOM, which included a strict export-improt control regime, it was
>possible as early as 1997 to determine that, from a qualitative
>standpoint, Iraq had been disarmed. Iraq no longer possessed any
>meaningful quantities of chemical or biological agent, if it possessed any
>at all, and the industrial means to produce these agents had either been
>eliminated or were subject to stringent monitoring. The same was true of
>IRaq's nuclear and ballistic missile capabilities. As long as monitoring
>inspections remained in place, iraq presented a WMD-based threat to no
>one."
>
>"THrough its extensive investigations, UNSCOM was able to ensure that the
>vast majority of IRaq's WMD arsenal, along wth the means to produce such
>weaponry, was eliminated.  Through monitoring, UNSCOM was able to guarantee
>that Iraq was not reconstituting that capability in any meaningful way."
>
>Ballistic Missiles:
>
>"In his Dec. 1992 report to the SC, then-Executive Chairmain Rolf Ekeus
>noted, "All ballistic missiles and items related to their production and
>development, identified as requiring destruction ... have been
>destroyed.."
>
>Chemical Weapons (CW):
>
>"There was absolutely no evidence that Iraq was trying to hide CW
>production equipment. In its monitoring capacity, UNSCOM carried out
>extensive inspections of all of Iraq's civilian chemical manufacturing
>infastructure and found no evidence of illicit stores of CW precursor
>chemicals. Precursor chemicals are difficult to hide from inspectors
>because the minimum amount required for any viable CW-agent production run
>is several hundred tons. Inspections of dozens of Iraq munitions depots by
>UNSCOM also failed to turn up any illicit unfilled munitions."
>
>"However, the key to the qualitative argument is that individual pieces of
>CW production equipment are worthless unless they are assembled in a
>specific configuration, a unique combination that would be readily
>discernible to weapons inspectors. ... THe point is that all of UNSCOM's
>speculative fears concerning reconstitution of an Iraqi CW capability can
>be laid to rest as long as viable monitoring regime... is in place -- the
>kind of regime that existed prior to the withdrawal of inspectors in
>Dec. 1998." {NOTE: Butler removed the inspectors w/o permission from the
>UNSC.}
>
>Biological Weapons (BW):
>
>"...The biologists responsible for monitoring Iraqi compliance found
>exactly that --- compliance.  In all their inspections, the monitors could
>find no meanginful evidence of Iraqi circumvention of its committment not to
>reconstitute the BW program."
>
>"One of the conclusions drawn from the extensive monitoring of Iraq's
>biological capbilities carried out by UNSCOM was that the overall level of
>Iraq's biolgoical capability, in terms of available infrastructure, was
>very low. ... The reality of the situation was that, regardless of
>UNSCOM's ability to verify Iraq's declarations regarding its past BW
>programs, the major BW production facility at AL Hakim had been destroyed,
>together with its associated equipment, and extensive monitoring of Iraq's
>biological infrastructure could find no evidence of continued proscribed
>activity.  If weapons inspectors were once again allowed back into Iraq to
>resume monitoring along the lines carried out by UNSCOM, there is no reason
>to doubt that similar findings would be had, with the same level of
>confidence."
>
>Nuclear Weapons
>
>"Often overloked in the debate about Iraq's nuclear capabilities is just
>how effective the IAEA was at destroying, dismantling, or rendering
>harmless Iraq's nuclear weapons capability.  Despite every attmpt by Iraq
>to retain some level of nuclear weapons capability, the massive
>infrastructure Baghdad had assembled by 1991 to produce a nuclear bomb had
>been eliminated by 1995."
>
>"There has been no evidence provided of any attempt by Iraq to acquire a
>nuclear weapon or major related components since 1991."
>
>Conclusion:
>
>"No one knows for sure what has transpired in Iraq since the last
>inspectors were withdrawn. Conjecture aside, however, there is absolutely no
>reason to believe Iraq could have meaningfuly reconstituted any element of
>its WMD capabilities in the past 18 months."
>[...]
>
>"By the end of 1998, Iraq had, in fact, been disarmed to a level
>unprecedented in modern history, but UNSCOM and the Security Council were
>unable-and in some instances, unwilling-to acknowledge this accomplishment.
>
>"Unfortunately, the quantitative standards for Iraqi compliance set forth
>in Resolution 687 are still in place today in the form of Resolution 1284,
>which emphasizes verifying material balance over resuming viable
>monitoring activities. This is a formula for disaster, perpetuating the
>cycle of conflict with Iraq that led to the discrediting of UNSCOM in
>December 1998. UNMOVIC will meet with the same fate unless the Security
>Council takes measures to refocus the inspection regime on disarmament
>issues related to viable weapons and weapons production capability, instead
>of engaging in a never-ending effort to account for every last vestige of
>Iraq's former WMD programs."
>
>[...]
>
>"One serious obstacle to the reformulation of Iraq's disarmament
>obligation by the Security Council is the current U.S. policy of removing
>Saddam Hussein from power, codified in the Iraqi Liberation Act of
>1998. That law has so far failed to threaten Saddam Hussein in any
>meaningful way, but it has succeeded in precluding any meaningful
>diplomatic initiative by locking the United States into a unilateral
>policy that makes cooperation with Iraq impossible. If the United States
>is serious about disarming Iraq, it should repeal the Iraqi Liberation Act
>and work within the framework of the Security Council to formulate a
>policy that results in the rapid reintroduction of meaningful,
>monitoring-based weapons inspections into Iraq. That will require the
>lifting, not simply the suspension, of sanctions. While it is true that the
>sanctions have retarded Iraq's ability to acquire technology that
>could aid any WMD reconstitution effort, Resolution 687 stated that a
>finding of compliance would trigger the lifting of sanctions. Sanctions
>are thus not an open-ended option. At some point, they will need to be
>lifted, and if a finding of qualitative disarmament backed with the
>implementation of viable monitoring-based inspections can be had, then
>there is no reason to keep sanctions in place. The Security Council must
>also follow through on the promise it made in paragraph 14 of Resolution
>687, which speaks of regional disarmament. While monitoring-based
>inspections in Iraq must be expected to last indefinitely, they cannot be
>expected to last in a vacuum. Unless arrangements are made to address WMD
>programs in Iran and Israel, as well as the regional proliferation of
>advanced conventional weaponry, Iraq will never accept perpetual
>disarmament. What is needed is a Security Council resolution that
>concludes Resolution 687, supercedes Resolution 1284, and redefines the
>disarmament obligations of Iraq to meet more realistic qualitative
>benchmarks. In addition to verifying Iraqi compliance with these new
>benchmarks, the resulting inspectorate, whether a revamped UNMOVIC or a new
>agency, would be tasked with implementing a monitoring regime similar to the
>one UNSCOM had in place prior to its withdrawal from Iraq. Once Iraq's
>disarmament along clearly defined qualitative standards had been verified by
>weapons inspectors, and after a viable monitoring regime was in place to
>detect and deter any attempt at reconstituting its WMD programs, the
>Security Council would lift, not suspend, economic
>sanctions."
>
>..........................................
>
>Richard Butler's Salary and the U.S.
>
>*  UNSCOM inspectors and the UNSCOM chairmen were not salaried UN employees,
>for the UN did not pay their salaries.  UN member State governments donated
>individuals for UNSCOM and also financed their salaries.  That said, an
>inspector's home government had no authority over the inspector.  Every
>inspector answered and was responsible to the Security Council.
>
>* Richard Butler was nominated by the Security Council to be UNSCOM chairman
>
>*  In order for Butler to have the post the Australian government needed to
>agree to pay his salary
>
>*  The Australian government told Butler that it would not finance his
>salary
>
>*  Despite the payment refusal, Butler told Kofi Annan that he accepted the
>chairmanship.  Butler did not tell Annan that the Australian government
>would not pay his salary
>
>*  Annan announced that Butler was the new UNSCOM chairman
>
>*  Butler went to the Australian government and told it that that the UN was
>not going to pay his salary
>
>*  The Australian government made an arrangement with its U.S. counterpart.
>Australia's government paid Butler's salary, and the U.S. government then
>reimbursed the Australian government
>
>*  Therefore, the U.S. did not make direct payments to Butler;  however, it
>is unlikely that the Australian government would have agreed to make a
>salary payment without the U.S. reimbursement
>
>
>Richard Butler, the U.S., and Desert Fox
>
>UNSCOM set up a listening post to monitor communication between and by top
>members of the Iraqi leadership.  This post was for UNSCOM's use only.
>Richard Butler, to the anger of UNSCOM inspectors, informed the U.S. about
>the listening post.  The U.S. used that listening post to set Desert Fox
>targets, which had very little to do with Iraq's WMD production facilities.
>Aside from targeting Iraqi intelligence and Republican guard units, the U.S.
>and UK went after members of the Iraqi leadership with information gleaned
>from the listening post to which Butler had given the U.S. access.  There
>are credible claims that the very first two launched missiles were targeted
>at the two sites where Saddam Hussein was supposed to potentially be with
>his main mistress on the day of the attack.
>
>For other commentary on Butler and the U.S. see Scott Ritter's "Endgame" and
>look in the index under "Butler".
>-----------------------------------------------
>
>
>Ritter shoots from the hip
>
>The controversial American who led the United Nations task force sent to
>destroy all of Iraq's weapons of mass destruction, and so put an end of
>sanctions, says that while his part of the deal has been accomplished the
>rest of the rest of the bargain has not been honoured. The weapons are gone
>but the sanctions remain. And the dying in Iraq continues.
>Scott Ritter, the former second in command of the United Nations arms
>monitoring group Unscom and author of the book Endgame, is to be the main
>speaker at the launch of the Great Britain-Iraq Society in the House of
>Commons on June 26. This is sure to draw a huge attendance and space is
>limited so if you want to attend see the details on the bottom of this
>bulletin.
>
>
>A MESSAGE FROM GEORGE GALLOWAY MP
>
>Great Britain - Iraq Society
>C/o Mariam Appeal
>1 Northumberland Avenue
>Trafalgar Square
>London WC2N 5BW
>Tel : 020 7872 5451
>Fax : 020 7753 2731
>
>GREAT BRITAIN - IRAQ SOCIETY
>
>Working for Reconciliation
>
>Dear Friend,
>
>The GBIS is a non-political society working for better understanding,
>reconciliation and peace between the peoples of Great Britain and Iraq. The
>GBIS believes that what unites these two historic peoples is greater than
>that which divides them. Membership is open to all people of goodwill of any
>nationality who wish to see the strengthening of British-Iraqi relations and
>an end to recent enmity.
>
>The GBIS will circulate a newsletter, publish material, organise events,
>exchange visits, organise trade missions, religious and other tourism and
>generally seek to rebuild the once warm relations between the two countries.
>
>The Great Britain Iraq Society (GBIS) will work for reconciliation between
>the peoples of Great Britain and Iraq. It will foster cultural, social,
>educational and economic relations between the two countries and, while
>eschewing directly political issues will work to clear obstacles to the
>success of these objectives.
>
>Membership shall be on an individual basis with an annual membership fee of
>�25 (�15 unwaged). Cheques should be made payable to the GBIS. Membership
>shall entitle the holder to a regular newsletter and priority for attendance
>at any GBIS event.
>
>The GBIS will hold its inaugural meeting in the Grand Committee Room of the
>House of Commons on Monday 26th June from 8.00 pm - 10.00 pm. There will
>also be a reception in the Jubilee Room for GBIS members only.
>
>For further information, please contact either myself or Stuart Halford on
>Tel: 020 7872 5451, Fax: 020 7753 2731 or E-mail: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
>
>I look forward to seeing you on the 26th June,
>
>Yours sincerely
>
>
>George Galloway MP
>
>tel: +44 (0)20 78725451
>fax: +44 (0)20 77532731
>email: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
>web: www.mariamappeal.com
>
>
>
>
>
>
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