>States, which could discourage a military coup in Latin America with
>a frown, did nothing.
>
>
>Nineteen months later, a revolt broke out which promised to put the
>exiled Bosch back into power. The United States sent 23,000 troops to
>help crush it.
>
>
>Cuba 1959 to present: Fidel Castro came to power at the beginning of
>1959. A U.S. National Security Council meeting of 10 March 1959
>included on its agenda the feasibility of bringing "another
>government to power in Cuba." There followed 40 years of terrorist
>attacks, bombings, full-scale military invasion, sanctions, embargos,
>isolation, assassinations ... Cuba had carried out The Unforgivable
>Revolution, a very serious threat of setting a "good example" in
>Latin America.
>
>
>The saddest part of this is that the world will never know what kind
>of society Cuba could have produced if left alone, if not constantly
>under the gun and the threat of invasion, if allowed to relax its
>control at home. The idealism, the vision, the talent, the
>internationalism were all there. But we'll never know. And that of
>course was the idea.
>
>
>Indonesia 1965: A complex series of events, involving a supposed coup
>attempt, a counter-coup, and perhaps a counter-counter-coup, with
>American fingerprints apparent at various points, resulted in the
>ouster from power of Sukarno and his replacement by a military coup
>led by General Suharto. The massacre that began immediately -- of
>communists, communists sympathizers, suspected communists, suspected
>communist sympathizers, and none of the above -- was called by the
>New York Times "one of the most savage mass slayings of modern
>political history." The estimates of the number killed in the course
>of a few years begin at half a million and go above a million.
>
>
>It was later learned that the U.S. embassy had compiled lists of
>"communist" operatives, >from top echelons down to village cadres, as
>many as 5,000 names, and turned them over to the army, which then
>hunted those persons down and killed them. The Americans would then
>check off the names of those who had been killed or captured. "It
>really was a big help to the army. They probably killed a lot of
>people, and I probably have a lot of blood on my hands," said one
>U.S. diplomat. "But that's not all bad. There's a time when you have
>to strike hard at a decisive moment."
>
>
>Chile, 1964-73: Salvador Allende was the worst possible scenario for
>a Washington imperialist. He could imagine only one thing worse than
>a Marxist in power -- an elected Marxist in power, who honored the
>constitution, and became increasingly popular. This shook the very
>foundation stones upon which the anti-communist tower was built: the
>doctrine, painstakingly cultivated for decades, that "communists" can
>take power only through force and deception, that they can retain
>that power only through terrorizing and brainwashing the population.
>
>
>After sabotaging Allende's electoral endeavor in 1964, and failing to
>do so in 1970, despite their best efforts, the CIA and the rest of
>the American foreign policy machine left no stone unturned in their
>attempt to destabilize the Allende government over the next three
>years, paying particular attention to building up military hostility.
>Finally, in September 1973, the military overthrew the government,
>Allende dying in the process.
>
>
>Thus it was that they closed the country to the outside world for a
>week, while the tanks rolled and the soldiers broke down doors; the
>stadiums rang with the sounds of execution and the bodies piled up
>along the streets and floated in the river; the torture centers
>opened for business; the subversive books were thrown to the
>bonfires; soldiers slit the trouser legs of women, shouting that "In
>Chile women wear dresses!"; the poor returned to their natural state;
>and the men of the world in Washington and in the halls of
>international finance opened up their check-books. In the end, more
>than 3,000 had been executed, thousands more tortured or disappeared.
>
>Greece 1964-74: The military coup took place in April 1967, just two
>days before the campaign for national elections was to begin,
>elections which appeared certain to bring the veteran liberal leader
>George Papandreou back as prime minister. Papandreou had been elected
>in February 1964 with the only outright majority in the history of
>modern Greek elections. The successful machinations to unseat him had
>begun immediately, a joint effort of the Royal Court, the Greek
>military, and the American military and CIA stationed in Greece. The
>1967 coup was followed immediately by the traditional martial law,
>censorship, arrests, beatings, torture, and killings, the victims
>totaling some 8,000 in the first month. This was accompanied by the
>equally traditional declaration that this was all being done to save
>the nation from a "communist takeover." Corrupting and subversive
>influences in Greek life were to be removed. Among these were
>miniskirts, long hair, and foreign newspapers; church attendance for
>the young would be compulsory.
>
>It was torture, however, which most indelibly marked the seven-year
>Greek nightmare. James Becket, an American attorney sent to Greece by
>Amnesty International, wrote in December 1969 that "a conservative
>estimate would place at not less than two thousand" the number of
>people tortured, usually in the most gruesome of ways, often with
>equipment supplied by the United States.
>
>Becket reported the following:
>
>Hundreds of prisoners have listened to the little speech given by
>Inspector Basil Lambrou, who sits behind his desk which displays the
>red, white, and blue clasped-hand symbol of American aid. He tries to
>show the prisoner the absolute futility of resistance: "You make
>yourself ridiculous by thinking you can do anything. The world is
>divided in two. There are the communists on that side and on this
>side the free world. The Russians and the Americans, no one else.
>What are we? Americans. Behind me there is the government, behind the
>government is NATO, behind NATO is the U.S. You can't fight us, we
>are Americans."
>
>George Papandreou was not any kind of radical. He was a liberal anti-
>communist type. But his son Andreas, the heir-apparent, while only a
>little to the left of his father had not disguised his wish to take
>Greece out of the cold war, and had questioned remaining in NATO, or
>at least as a satellite of the United States.
>
>East Timor, 1975 to present: In December 1975, Indonesia invaded East
>Timor, which lies at the eastern end of the Indonesian archipelago,
>and which had proclaimed its independence after Portugal had
>relinquished control of it. The invasion was launched the day after
>U.S. President Gerald Ford and Secretary of State Henry Kissinger had
>left Indonesia after giving Suharto permission to use American arms,
>which, under U.S. law, could not be used for aggression. Indonesia
>was Washington's most valuable tool in Southeast Asia.
>
>Amnesty International estimated that by 1989, Indonesian troops, with
>the aim of forcibly annexing East Timor, had killed 200,000 people
>out of a population of between 600,000 and 700,000. The United States
>consistently supported Indonesia's claim to East Timor (unlike the UN
>and the EU), and downplayed the slaughter to a remarkable degree, at
>the same time supplying Indonesia with all the military hardware and
>training it needed to carry out the job.
>
>Nicaragua 1978-89: When the Sandinistas overthrew the Somoza
>dictatorship in 1978, it was clear to Washington that they might well
>be that long-dreaded beast -- "another Cuba." Under President Carter,
>attempts to sabotage the revolution took diplomatic and economic
>forms. Under Reagan, violence was the method of choice. For eight
>terribly long years, the people of Nicaragua were under attack by
>Washington's proxy army, the Contras, formed from Somoza's vicious
>National Guardsmen and other supporters of the dictator. It was all-
>out war, aiming to destroy the progressive social and economic
>programs of the government, burning down schools and medical clinics,
>raping, torturing, mining harbors, bombing and strafing. These were
>Ronald Reagan's "freedom fighters." There would be no revolution in
>Nicaragua.
>
>Grenada 1979-84: What would drive the most powerful nation in the
>world to invade a country of 110 thousand? Maurice Bishop and his
>followers had taken power in a 1979 coup, and though their actual
>policies were not as revolutionary as Castro's, Washington was again
>driven by its fear of "another Cuba," particularly when public
>appearances by the Grenadian leaders in other countries of the region
>met with great enthusiasm.
>
>U.S. destabilization tactics against the Bishop government began soon
>after the coup and continued until 1983, featuring numerous acts of
>disinformation and dirty tricks. The American invasion in October
>1983 met minimal resistance, although the U.S. suffered 135 killed or
>wounded; there were also some 400 Grenadian casualties, and 84
>Cubans, mainly construction workers. What conceivable human purpose
>these people died for has not been revealed.
>
>At the end of 1984, a questionable election was held which was won by
>a man supported by the Reagan administration. One year later, the
>human rights organization, Council on Hemispheric Affairs, reported
>that Grenada's new U.S.-trained police force and counter-insurgency
>forces had acquired a reputation for brutality, arbitrary arrest, and
>abuse of authority, and were eroding civil rights.
>
>In April 1989, the government issued a list of more than 80 books
>which were prohibited from being imported. Four months later, the
>prime minister suspended parliament to forestall a threatened no-
>confidence vote resulting from what his critics called "an
>increasingly authoritarian style."
>
>Libya 1981-89: Libya refused to be a proper Middle East client state
>of Washington. Its leader, Muammar el-Qaddafi, was uppity. He would
>have to be punished. U.S. planes shot down two Libyan planes in what
>Libya regarded as its air space. The U.S. also dropped bombs on the
>country, killing at least 40 people, including Qaddafi's daughter.
>There were other attempts to assassinate the man, operations to
>overthrow him, a major disinformation campaign, economic sanctions,
>and blaming Libya for being behind the Pan Am 103 bombing without any
>good evidence.
>
>Panama, 1989: Washington's mad bombers strike again. December 1989, a
>large tenement barrio in Panama City wiped out, 15,000 people left
>homeless. Counting several days of ground fighting against Panamanian
>forces, 500-something dead was the official body count, what the U.S.
>and the new U.S.-installed Panamanian government admitted to; other
>sources, with no less evidence, insisted that thousands had died;
>3,000-something wounded. Twenty-three Americans dead, 324 wounded.
>
>
>Question from reporter: "Was it really worth it to send people to
>their death for this? To get Noriega?"
>
>George Bush: "Every human life is precious, and yet I have to answer,
>yes, it has been worth it."
>
>Manuel Noriega had been an American ally and informant for years
>until he outlived his usefulness. But getting him was not the only
>motive for the attack. Bush wanted to send a clear message to the
>people of Nicaragua, who had an election scheduled in two months,
>that this might be their fate if they reelected the Sandinistas. Bush
>also wanted to flex some military muscle to illustrate to Congress
>the need for a large combat-ready force even after the very recent
>dissolution of the "Soviet threat." The official explanation for the
>American ouster was Noriega's drug trafficking, which Washington had
>known about for years and had not been at all bothered by.
>
>Iraq 1990s: Relentless bombing for more than 40 days and nights,
>against one of the most advanced nations in the Middle East,
>devastating its ancient and modern capital city; 177 million pounds
>of bombs falling on the people of Iraq, the most concentrated aerial
>onslaught in the history of the world; depleted uranium weapons
>incinerating people, causing cancer; blasting chemical and biological
>weapon storages and oil facilities; poisoning the atmosphere to a
>degree perhaps never matched anywhere; burying soldiers alive,
>deliberately; the infrastructure destroyed, with a terrible effect on
>health; sanctions continued to this day multiplying the health
>problems; perhaps a million children dead by now from all of these
>things, even more adults.
>
>Iraq was the strongest military power amongst the Arab states. This
>may have been their crime. Noam Chomsky has written: It's been a
>leading, driving doctrine of U.S. foreign policy since the 1940s that
>the vast and unparalleled energy resources of the Gulf region will be
>effectively dominated by the United States and its clients, and,
>crucially, that no independent, indigenous force will be permitted to
>have a substantial influence on the administration of oil production
>and price.
>
>Afghanistan 1979-92: Everyone knows of the unbelievable repression of
>women in Afghanistan, carried out by Islamic fundamentalists, even
>before the Taliban. But how many people know that during the late
>1970s and most of the 1980s, Afghanistan had a government committed
>to bringing the incredibly backward nation into the 20th century,
>including giving women equal rights? What happened, however, is that
>the United States poured billions of dollars into waging a terrible
>war against this government, simply because it was supported by the
>Soviet Union. Prior to this, CIA operations had knowingly increased
>the probability of a Soviet intervention, which is what occurred. In
>the end, the United States won, and the women, and the rest of
>Afghanistan, lost. More than a million dead, three million disabled,
>five million refugees, in total about half the population.
>
>El Salvador, 1980-92: Salvador's dissidents tried to work within the
>system. But with U.S. support, the government made that impossible,
>using repeated electoral fraud and murdering hundreds of protestors
>and strikers. In 1980, the dissidents took to the gun, and civil war.
>
>Officially, the U.S. military presence in El Salvador was limited to
>an advisory capacity. In actuality, military and CIA personnel played
>a more active role on a continuous basis. About 20 Americans were
>killed or wounded in helicopter and plane crashes while flying
>reconnaissance or other missions over combat areas, and considerable
>evidence surfaced of a U.S. role in the ground fighting as well. The
>war came to an official end in 1992; 75,000 civilian deaths and the
>U.S. Treasury depleted by six billion dollars. Meaningful social
>change has been largely thwarted. A handful of the wealthy still own
>the country, the poor remain as ever, and dissidents still have to
>fear right-wing death squads.
>
>
>Haiti, 1987-94: The U.S. supported the Duvalier family dictatorship
>for 30 years, then opposed the reformist priest, Jean-Bertrand
>Aristide. Meanwhile, the CIA was working intimately with death
>squads, torturers and drug traffickers. With this as background, the
>Clinton White House found itself in the awkward position of having to
>pretend -- because of all their rhetoric about "democracy" -- that
>they supported Aristide's return to power in Haiti after he had been
>ousted in a 1991 military coup. After delaying his return for more
>than two years, Washington finally had its military restore Aristide
>to office, but only after obliging the priest to guarantee that he
>would not help the poor at the expense of the rich, and that he would
>stick closely to free-market economics. This meant that Haiti would
>continue to be the assembly plant of the Western Hemisphere, with its
>workers receiving literally starvation wages.
>
>
>Yugoslavia, 1999: The United States is bombing the country back to a
>pre-industrial era. It would like the world to believe that its
>intervention is motivated only by "humanitarian" impulses. Perhaps
>the above history of U.S. interventions, can help one decide how much
>weight to place on this claim." JC
>
>


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