PART 3
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ANTIFA INFO-BULLETIN
News * Analysis * Research * Action
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- AFIB No. 257,  July 2, 2000 -

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F.B.I. WATCHED AN AMERICAN WHO WAS KILLED IN CHILE COUP
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THE NEW YORK TIMES
International News
Saturday, July 1, 2000
http://www.nytimes.com/library/world/americas/070100chile-fbi.html
By DIANA JEAN SCHEMO

WASHINGTON, June 30 -- The Federal Bureau of Investigation collected
intelligence on an American student living in Chile who was killed soon
after Gen. Augusto Pinochet's takeover of Chile in 1973, according to newly
declassified documents made public today.

In a December 1972 report from one informant, the F.B.I. said that the
student, Frank R. Teruggi Jr., had attended a "Conference on
Anti-Imperialist Strategy and Action" held by former Peace Corps volunteers
who, the F.B.I. said, "espouse support of Cuba and all third world
revolutionaries."

Though Chilean authorities have never confirmed that Mr. Teruggi was
executed, he was arrested at his apartment days after the coup and tortured
at the National Stadium, witnesses said. His body was discovered in the
morgue 10 days later, riddled with bullet holes.

The document was one of several hundred released today as part of a major
declassification project -- ordered by President Clinton last year -- on
rights abuses under General Pinochet's 1973-90 dictatorship.

But today's release, which represented the final government disclosures on
three Americans killed in Chile during the dictatorship, disappointed
family members and human rights activists. While the documents offered some
details, they broke no new ground as to the circumstances under which the
Americans died. In addition to Mr. Teruggi, they were Charles Horman, an
American journalist whose plight was portrayed in the 1982 movie "Missing,"
and Boris Weisfeiler, a mathematics professor who disappeared in 1985.

The Central Intelligence Agency released only six documents concerning Mr.
Horman's death. It released a dozen or so more on the death of Mr. Teruggi,
all concerning the attempts of the dead man's father to see a document the
agency refused to release 24 years ago. The intelligence agency continued
to withhold that document today, arguing that its information was provided
by a foreign intelligence service.

Joyce Horman, whose husband was killed at age 31, held up documents no more
than an inch thick, many with chunks of black lines keeping whole
paragraphs secret. "Either they're withholding documents," she said, "or
they really didn't do anything to protect an American citizen or to
investigate his detention in Chile at that time."

The only new insight Ms. Horman gleaned came from an informant who
approached the United States Embassy in 1987 to say that Mr. Horman had
been killed in the National Stadium the night of Sept. 19, 1973, for being
a "foreign extremist." On learning that the man they had killed was an
American citizen, stadium officials panicked and had his body dumped on the
streets, he said. But American Embassy officials had doubts about the
informant's credibility, and lost contact with him.

About half of the documents released today involved Mr. Weisfeiler, 44, who
apparently was picked up by the military while hitchhiking in Chile. His
body was never recovered.

At her home in Newton, Mass., Mr. Weisfeiler's sister, Olga, spent the day
combing through the documents, and they confirmed what she had gradually
come to suspect since a Chilean lawyer reopened her brother's case this
year: that her brother had been tortured and killed at a secretive
concentration camp.

The F.B.I. report, though covering events in 1971, was written the
following year, after Mr. Terruggi took up residence in Chile and before
the 1973 coup. In addition to noting his attendance at the Peace Corps
conference, the report said a Chicago-area group, whose goals it described
as furthering the "Socialist revolution," had sent Mr. Terruggi to Chile.

Though the documents released today do not indicate that the F.B.I. shared
its information with Chilean authorities, the insinuations reappeared in
the Chilean military's references to him after he was killed.

The F.B.I. report did not allege any illegality in Mr. Teruggi's actions,
and he traveled to Chile to support the elected Socialist government of
Salvador Allende. But after his killing, Chilean military officers
portrayed him as a revolutionary in Chile to "discredit the governing
junta," an unfounded charge because the junta did not exist until a few
days before his death.

A spokeswoman, Tracy Silberling, said there would be no comment on the
bureau's report on Mr. Teruggi.

Copyright 2000 The New York Times Company

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700 MARCH IN ROME AGAINST GAY FESTIVAL
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REUTERS
Sunday, July 2, 2000 08:10 EDT

ROME, July 1 -- About 700 jackbooted right-wing demonstrators marched
through central Rome today in protest against the 2000 World Gay Pride
festival only hours before it was to start.

Giving the Nazi salute and wielding banners saying, "Stop the gay pride,"
the supporters of the far-right group Forza Nuova chanted slogans in
defense of what they called "traditional family values."

"Italy needs children, not homosexuals," the leader of Forza Nuova, Roberto
Fiore, said.

The World Gay Pride festival, which organizers expect to draw some 300,000
people from around the world, also met protests from the Catholic Church,
which said the festival should not have taken place in Rome during the
yearlong celebrations of the 2,000th anniversary of the birth of Christ.

Copyright 2000 Reuters Limited. All rights reserved.

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Germany: THE NAZI PAST UNDERLYING POLITICS TODAY
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LOS ANGELES TIMES
Commentary
Sunday, June 25, 2000
http://www.latimes.com/news/comment/20000625/t000060061.html
By MARTIN A. LEE

SAN FRANCISCO--Americans like to recount the story about how George
Washington, father of their country, would not tell a lie about chopping
down his cherry tree as a child. Many Germans were similarly enamored of
Helmut Kohl and the legend of the two pens he kept on his desk while
serving as chancellor for 16 years. Deified as the father of German
unification in 1990, Kohl was said to be so meticulously honest that he
used a government-supplied pen only for official business and switched to
another pen he had purchased himself for his private correspondence.

But today, less than two years after Kohl left office, the man once hailed
as the greatest German statesman since Otto von Bismarck is the principal
protagonist in a major political scandal involving secret slush funds and
influence peddling by big business. Likened to Watergate, the scandal has
resulted in the political destruction of Kohl and several other leaders of
the Christian Democratic Union, currently the main opposition party in
Berlin.

This tale of crooks and cronies has all the makings of a pulp-fiction
thriller: suitcases filled with dirty cash, funny-money bank accounts,
falsified and missing documents, phone taps, kickbacks, shady arms dealers
and influential German industrialists with unsavory ties to the Third
Reich.

Facing the possibility of several years' imprisonment on various charges
related to money laundering, embezzlement and illicit campaign financing,
Kohl is expected to testify this week at a parliamentary inquiry into his
party's web of corruption. He has already admitted that the CDU violated
the law by accepting secret contributions worth several million dollars in
return for granting political favors to donors Kohl refuses to name. They
are respectable businessmen who prefer anonymity, the former chancellor
asserted, adding: "I did not steal or buy elections. I have not personally
profited."

But the truth is, Kohl seems to have profited throughout his political
career by soliciting the support of big business--which he always received.
The seeds of the current scandal were planted during Kohl's early years as
a CDU official, when he forged a close relationship with the chemical and
pharmaceutical industries.

In 1966, Kohl became regional party chairman of the CDU in what was then
the West German state of Rhineland-Palatinate. But he needed additional
sources of income to further his career.

Enter Fritz Ries, a wealthy German industrialist who took Kohl under his
wing and introduced him to a charmed circle of chief executives, business
heavyweights, and high-powered lobbyists. With Ries as his mentor, Kohl
became the advisor to the Assn. of Chemical Industries of
Rhineland-Palatinate-Saar.

It's not clear if Ries, now dead, was one of the secret donors who
illegally pumped funds into the CDU's coffers, but this much is certain: He
had a great deal of influence over Kohl. "Even if I call him at three
o'clock in the morning, he has to jump," Ries once boasted.

But who was Ries, and where did he get his money? During the Third Reich,
Ries made a fortune from expropriating "Aryanized" Jewish property and from
slave labor in factories near the Auschwitz concentration camp. Not only
was Ries never condemned for his Nazi-era crimes, he went on to become the
patron of several conservative West German politicians, including Kohl, who
was elected chancellor in 1982. As a token of his gratitude, Kohl awarded
Ries West Germany's highest civil decoration, the Bundesverdienstkreuz or
"Federal Cross of Merit."

It gets worse: Ries retained as his legal advisor and chief of staff
Eberhard Taubert, another compromised Third Reich veteran. During World War
II, Taubert served as a judge on the People's Tribunal, which handed down
death sentences for such "crimes" as telling an anti-Hitler joke or
sleeping with a Jew. Taubert was also employed by Joseph Goebbels'
Propaganda Ministry. In this capacity, he wrote scripts for several
horrendous Third Reich propaganda films, including "Der ewige Jude" ("The
Eternal Jew"), which depicts Jews as rats and vermin. "Wherever rats turn
up, they bring destruction with them. They destroy goods and foodstuffs and
they spread disease . . . . Among animals, they represent an element of
treacherous, subterranean destruction, just as Jews do among men," the
film's narrator explained.

Like Ries and so many other Nazis, Taubert eluded punishment after the war.
Instead, he found favor with the West German government and worked for the
army's Division of Psychological Defense. In addition, he was recruited by
the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency to serve as an espionage asset during
the Cold War. "It was a visceral business of using any bastard as long as
he was anti-communist," explained Harry A. Rositzke, former head of the
CIA's Soviet desk. "The eagerness to enlist collaborators meant that you
didn't look at their credentials too closely."

Taubert plied his cloak-and-dagger skills for the "Gehlen Org," a
CIA-sponsored spy network, based near Munich, that was run by Gen. Reinhard
Gehlen, formerly Adolf Hitler's chief anti-Soviet spymaster. Staffed by
several thousand Gestapo, Wehrmacht and SS veterans, the Gehlen
organization functioned as the CIA's eyes and ears in Central Europe,
according to American University Professor Christopher Simpson, a member of
the Nazi War Criminal Records Interagency Working Group established by
President Bill Clinton to review U.S. government documents related to Nazi
activity.

By 1955, the Org had evolved into the Bundesnachtrichtendienst (BND), West
Germany's main foreign intelligence service. Gehlen's appointment as the
BND's first director was emblematic of the wholesale restoration of Third
Reich veterans to positions of power in West German society. Intent on
turning West Germany into a strong, prosperous bulwark against Soviet-bloc
communism, U.S. policymakers sanctioned the lenient treatment given to
dubious characters like Ries and Taubert.

As part of the bulwark strategy, a privileged status was accorded the
Christian Democrat Union, West Germany's dominant political party, which
enjoyed the support of Washington. It appears that German conservatives
were spoiled by the Cold War climate that made their presence in government
so reassuring to U.S. officials, fixated on containing Moscow.

In the interest of fighting communism, the United States turned a blind eye
to political corruption in West Germany for years. Undoubtedly, this
encouraged Kohl, who ran the CDU as his personal fiefdom for a
quarter-century, to do whatever he thought was necessary to maintain his
party's grip on power, even if it meant breaking the law.

While we may never know the full extent of the current slush-fund scandal,
it should serve as a reminder of how closely the Nazi era lies beneath
German politics. Another example came to light last week when the
Deutschland Foundation, closely tied to the CDU, gave its prestigious
Konrad Adenauer Prize to Ernst Nolte, a controversial historian who has
sought to justify Hitler's anti-Semitism and downplay Nazi war crimes.

Honoring Nolte in such a manner shows the extent to which extremist
thinking has penetrated the mainstream, metastasizing like a cancerous
tumor in German ruling circles. It also underscores the dangerous
possibility that the far right, energized by a growing intellectually based
radicalism, could join forces with a nationalist, right-wing faction of the
CDU at a time when many Germans are deeply disillusioned with the political
status quo.

The CDU has long been almost a catch basin for an assortment of right-wing
interest groups, including fascist elements that cling to the memory of the
Third Reich. Paradoxically, this has both thwarted the success of Germany's
ultra-right-wing parties (flourishing in Austria and other European
countries), while also perpetuating a political culture that has incubated
the extreme right. But Kohl will not acknowledge the ugly "brown streak"
that exists in his own party and in mainstream German society.

Martin A. Lee Is the Author of "The Beast Reawakens," a Book on Neo-fascism.

Copyright 2000 Los Angeles Times

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