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Subject: [STOPNATO] Rogue removal as official U.S. foreign policy


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ROGUE REMOVAL AS OFFICIAL U.S. FOREIGN POLICY
Foreign Affairs Opinion (Published)
Source: ZNet
Published: 8/11/00 Author: Edward S. Herman
Posted on 08/11/2000 15:37:43 PDT by H.R. Gross
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ROGUE REMOVAL AS OFFICIAL U.S. FOREIGN POLICY
By Edward S. Herman
In her August 1 speech before the Republican National Convention, Bush
foreign policy adviser Condoleezza Rice explained to the audience that
Bush "recognizes that the magnificent men and women of America's armed
forces are not a global police force. They are not the world's 911." On
the contrary, she said that in a Bush government these magnificent men
and women will not only defend our shores and skies from any threats,
they will "go forth to extend peace, prosperity and liberty beyond our
blessed shores." And the Republican platform calls for the active
pursuit of a "rogue removal" strategy to take out outlaws that the
effete Clinton administration has merely sought to contain ("Bush plans
to undermine 'rogue' states," Financial Times, Aug. 2, 2000).
This of course does a grave injustice to Clinton, who has used a full
array of boycotts, sanctions, civilian medical deprivation and
starvation, bombing raids, inspections, support of external dissidents,
and inducements to the Iraq military to overthrow the rogue leader
Saddam Hussein. In Yugoslavia as well, Clinton has used massive bombing,
sanctions, intervention in support of dissident parties, Tribunal
condemnations of Milosevic, and putting a price on Milosevic's head as
an inducement to dispatch the villain in another multi-pronged rogue
removal operation. The only thing Clinton hasn't done is invade with
U.S. troops to dislodge these rogue state leaders.
It is not at all clear that the Republicans in power will go beyond
Clinton in dealing with rogues, but they must differentiate themselves
from him, especially as they are obliged to justify their intention to
greatly enlarge the already immense military budget. They have to claim
a plan for important "national security" action that Clinton wasn't
already doing. It is awkward for the Republicans that in the case of
Iraq he has pursued with genocidal energy the subversion process
installed under Bush One. The anti-missile boondoggle is aimed at that
other great national security threat, North Korea, whose leaders might
someday in the far distant future have the power to commit national
suicide by sending off a missile across the ocean. The Republicans are
eagerly pushing that boondoggle, no doubt hoping that the possible
rapprochement between North and South Korea will not force them to look
for a boondoggle rationale elsewhere. But this boondoggle will not
advance the cause of removing the rogue state leadership.
According to Condoleeza Rice, the need for a defense against missiles
"at the earliest possible date" results from the fact that rogue efforts
to acquire long-range missiles are aimed strictly at "blackmail." The
rogues couldn't want missiles for "defense" as this peace-loving country
obviously seeks overwhelming military power and an anti-missile defense
system only because of our "special responsibilities to keep the peace"!
Could the Romans at the height of their imperial power have been more
brazenly and self-righteously self-serving?
Ms. Rice implies that Clinton's policy was only to provide a global
"police force" and "911," without any larger rationale. But Clinton's
foreign policy has surely been designed for corporate service, and he
has been doing his subversion dirty work partly because he, like the
Republicans, is devoted to the U.S. "national interest" in creating a
global system hospitable to U.S. transnational corporations. But Clinton
also feels the need to lean over backwards to show that he and the
Democrats are not "soft" and will be at least as ready as the
Republicans to beat up a Grenada, Nicaragua, Iraq, etc., and to put the
national (corporate) interest first. The Republicans do not have to
prove their patriotic willingness to bomb and their devotion to a
corporate interest they serve so undeviatingly; which is why they
sometimes have to extricate the country from wars in which the Democrats
are bogged down (Korea, Vietnam). On the other hand, the Republicans are
possibly closer to the military-industrial complex than the Democrats
(Lockheed's head couldn't contain his enthusiasm at the prospect of a
Bush presidency; Lynne Cheney is on his board of directors at $125,000 a
year); they have more intimate ties to the oil industry (Bush and Cheney
both come right out of the business); and the Republicans nurture a
larger contingent of ideological crazies than the Democrats (Rice is a
Bush team "moderate," allegedly fending off Richard Perle and Paul
Wolfowitz and other hardline warriors). This makes the contest over who
is more prone to imperialistic excesses a close one.
But it is notable how, with the end of the Soviet Union and its modest
"containment" of the United States, subversion of foreign enemies has
become more open and brazen. Clinton carried it pretty far, and the
Republicans are now saying that subversion is going to be official
policy and will be carried farther. There is still that small
genuflection to "morality" in describing the targets as "rogues," the
follow-on to the designation as "terrorist" states of several years
back. But the right to name a country as a "rogue" and then proceed to
take systematic action to displace the rulers and install new ones is
now presented as entirely reasonable. No questions have been raised in
the U.S. media about the assertion of this right and its relation to the
supposed rule of law in international affairs. The liberal Boston Globe
editorially congratulates the Republicans for their platform call for
rogue removal ("Being Clear About Saddam," Aug. 8). For the loyal media,
the effective law is what their leaders say and do. The word
"subversion" is of course not used to describe the Republican plans in
foreign policy. That is an old-fashioned term of the Cold War years,
like terrorism, that designated Soviet efforts to overthrow governments
by KGB disinformation and propaganda, economic destabilization by
boycotts and sanctions, buying politicians, and encouraging violence and
assassinations. These were precisely the tactics used by the CIA and
other arms of the U.S. security state in Latin America and globally, as
described so compellingly by former CIA operative Philip Agee in his
book Inside the Company, but as the mainstream media took for granted
our natural right to subvert, an invidious word like subversion was
never applied to us. And it reamins out of service today. (For an
analysis of this natural right, and the forms of subversion used by the
U.S. in Latin America, see my Real Terror Network, 132-5.)
Another reason why we don't subvert is that all our efforts to deal with
rogues are based on our concern for our "national security," one of the
most elastic phrases in the English language. If a government that takes
power in a distant country threatens to tax a U.S. company more heavily,
this is a national security problem. By posing such a threat that
government has demonstrated its hostility and unreasonableness-it has
done something to which we object, and it has failed to recognize the
neoliberal truth that such higher taxes are unsound, etc. Of course, on
this conception of national security, anybody who does not do our
precise bidding constitutes a national security threat and can
reasonably be called a rogue. This is obviously a perfect intellectual
instrument of a policy of aggressive imperialism.
Another important feature of national security is that, like "Hoover's
law"-i.e., the smaller the number of Communists the greater their
subversive threat-we have a "National Security threat law," which says
that the more powerful this country and the greater its military
superiority over others the more fearsome and intolerable are any
challenges to its desires abroad. This law is a symptom of that sickness
known as the "pitiful giant syndrome," which causes our
military-political elite to fret and gnash their teeth at our supposed
helplessness in combating all these external menaces.
Possibly there is in all this a trace of insincerity and a bit of
calculated rationalization for the desire to maintain superiority and to
intervene freely at our own discretion. But it may be an internalized
truth for many. The military-industrial complex certainly needs
rationales for the growing military budget, and threat inflation has a
long history in the serial Cold War "gaps" that weren't there. The Bush
Two gang have their work cut out for them in justifying escalated
military expenditures in the post-Soviet threat era, but the mainstream
media can always be relied on to help. And Bush Two's prospective
unlimited service to Greed Inc. may make it necessary for our
"magnificent men and women" in the armed services to work over some of
those less magnificent men and women, victims of the "miracle of the
market," needing pacification at home, as well as abroad.
1 Posted on 08/11/2000 15:37:43 PDT by H.R. Gross
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