----- Original Message -----
From: Rick Rozoff <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Sent: Friday, September 01, 2000 11:58 AM
Subject: [STOPNATO] Colombia: This Week's Kosovo


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The Globe And Mail (Canada)


Colombia: this week's Kosovo

RICK SALUTIN

Friday, September 1, 2000


'This is not Vietnam, nor is it Yankee imperialism."
(President Bill Clinton, in Colombia yesterday to hand
over $1.3-billion in military aid to, ho ho, combat
the drug trade harming America's cities.)

Well, when was the last time you believed a Clinton
denial? Actually, denials are great from public
figures. Most of the time, their denials are the
closest we get to what's truly on their minds. The
telltale sign is usually that no one asked.

Still, let's "parse" the Clinton claims, as the press
loved to do with his Lewinskyisms but are less keen in
foreign policy. He says the aid is to stop drug
traffic. That's insultingly false for these reasons:
(1) It will only be used in the half of the country
controlled by rebels, who don't even grow crops,
though they "tax" them. Army-backed paramilitary
groups will be left alone, though they get most of
their money -- 70 per cent, says their leader -- from
drug traffic. (2) A Rand Institute study for the
Pentagon found that money spent treating addicts in
the U.S. is 23 times as effective as money spent on
"source country control" and 11 times as effective as
trying to stop drugs from entering. (3) The Colombian
military is up to its eyes in drug trafficking, say
U.S officials. (4) The U.S. itself, largely through
the CIA, bears a heavy burden for drugs in its own
cities. (I know that sounds kooky, but I swear it's
well-documented by, for instance, a 1988 U.S. Senate
subcommittee on narcotics and terrorism.) The crack
explosion of the '80s was used, maybe even created, to
help fund Nicaragua's contras.

The President also claimed that his aim was to improve
human rights, a good idea since massacres of
innocents, mainly by paramilitaries, have reached more
than one a day, says Colombia's ombudsman. Then why
did Bill Clinton sign a "human rights waiver" last
week, meaning that Colombia will not have to live up
to human-rights conditions originally part of the
package? A U.S. official said yesterday the aid was
too important to human rights to let some atrocities
hold it up.

This may seem more trouble than anyone thinks is
needed to prove Bill Clinton Lies, but it clears the
way to ask: So what's the aid really for? Colombia's
civil war is almost 40 years old. Between 1986 and
1995, 45,000 people died, 36,000 of them civilians.
There are 4,300 political murders a year (and rising),
and 1.5 million displaced people. About 2,500
trade-union leaders have been assassinated since 1986,
in a Canada-size population. Colombia is rich in oil
and gold, but 3 per cent of the people control 70 per
cent of the arable land, and 40 per cent live in
"absolute poverty" and 18 per cent in "absolute
misery." The rebels have a social democratish program
-- freeze privatization, subsidize farmers, help local
industry. They get along with populist Venezuelan
leader Hugo Chavez, whose demonization in the American
media is heading to Saddamian levels. You could say
they represent a mild challenge to globalization, at
the same time it's stalled in the U.S. Congress -- and
they're not going away. It's a situation up with
which, in Churchillian terms, the U.S. shall not put.
Send in the gunships. Cue the Ride of the Valkyries.
Sounds like Vietnam to me.

How do they get away with it? Here's where a
co-operative media come in. Colombia is only in the
news when the U.S. government decides to put it there
-- by, say, toddling down for a day -- and then
defines the story on its own fanciful terms. "Colombia
has become a first-tier foreign policy issue, and this
trip will show that," said a U.S. official. Once they
leave, it doesn't exist. Next day, you can't find it
on The New York Times Web site. Count me in. I hadn't
written on Colombia till now. What's the hook? your
editors will say, or the editor in your head, though a
massacre a day sounds like it has hook potential.
Getting Bill Clinton to deny his real reason for being
there was a major outing of truth in this context.

In case this sounds like doctrinaire Chomskyism --
rational imperial self-interest disguised by a
steaming pile of media hooey -- I'd say there's
irrationality, too. Talk about addiction, you could
call the U.S. a nation addicted to intervention. It's
hard to think of a time they weren't assaulting some
small place: Lebanon in '58, Cuba in '61, Dominican
Republic in '65, Vietnam for 10 years, Libya, Grenada,
Panama, Iraq, Yugoslavia -- have I left any out?
Doubtless. In all cases, there are media excuses
covering real motives. But there's something else,
too, akin to exhibitionism. Colombia, for instance,
had already surpassed Turkey as the top recipient of
U.S. arms (aside from Egypt and Israel, which are
pretty much in-house items at the Pentagon). But now
we get the big media buildup to the inevitable mayhem.
You could call it the psychopathology of power, or
not. Probably doesn't matter a lot to the six
schoolkids on a hike gunned down by the Colombian army
two weeks ago -- instead of by the customary
paramilitaries, with the army merely looking on.




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