>From: "ILC" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> >To: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> >Subject: Prague - the globalisation of a city >Report from the protests in Prague by the delegation of the International >Leninist Current > >The world order of globalisation has sharpened the undemocratic rule of >small elite, the social inequality and the militarisation under the >leadership of the US and its European partners to unprecedented dimensions. >During the summit of IMF and WB in Prague this world order was virtually >concentrated in one town. Militarily separated from the public and its >critics a hand full of world rulers thought about the future of their unjust >order. Not only their enemies were to be isolated and made silent by more >than 11.000 police and military troops (among those special >�anti-terrorist� � meaning state terrorist � units from the US, Germany and >other NATO states). Also 30.000 inhabitants of Prague were temporarily >displaced. > >Since Seattle the apparent peace accompanying those summits of war has been >broken by the social and political movement to which the media has given the >name �enemies of globalisation�. We can identify ourselves with this name >which is being used by the �open and liberal minded� journalists of the >establishment to ridicule us with both cynics and fear as living in the past >because of being still unwilling to accept the nice neo-liberal world of >free individuals even ten years after the fall of the Berlin war. But the >billions of victims of globalisation and neo-liberalism in the poor >countries will on the other hand recognise it as a chance to win a new >promising ally inside the opulent West. > >In order to meet this hope the enemies of globalisation need a big portion >not only of courage but also of intelligence to confront our incredibly >tenacious enemy especially in the West, the political, military and social >cradle and stronghold of the unjust neo-liberal order. The fact that the >summit in Prague ended one day earlier as scheduled is therefore not the >most important result of the protests. Prague was after Seattle, where this >new subject of struggle was born, the major test regarding its political >strengths and weaknesses > > >Stick and carrot � Havel�s garden party of civil society and riot police > >A paradigm of Seattle has been the social and political broadness of the >protests: from those who strive for the protection of turtles, passing by >the protectionist US unions to the autonomous anarchists. The incredible >brutality of the police did not leave any space for half-measures facing the >enemy. > >However, the characteristics of neo-liberal globalisation is not only >violent repression. �Left liberal� imperialism attempts also to integrate >the resistance wherever it seems to be possible by throwing bombs for �human >rights� and launching starvation embargos against �dictators�. In Prague the >efficient imperial weapon of �devide et impera� was applied much more >cunningly as in Seattle that saw only sticks and tear gas. The head of the >World Bank, Wolfensohn, played comprehension for the opponents of >globalisation and the boss of the IMF, K�hler, claimed the struggle against >poverty that will half it in the frame of 15 years. As always the mass media >played a decisive role in the game to point to the most consequent enemies >of globalisation as criminals thus isolating them and legitimising the >repression against them. Vaclav Havel especially is able to carry out this >policy as the anti-communist part of the �civil society� is still >recognising him as a political, theoretical and morale authority in the >struggle for �freedom�. With the meeting between civil society and the >leading personalities of IMF and WB he was able to re-integrate into the >strategy of the enemy one part of the NGO milieu, which in Seattle has been >part of the protests. It is positive that INPEG (Initiative against economic >globalisation) which have been invited to the meeting refused to participate >and therewith dealt a blow to the attempt of the enemy. > >Apparently the meeting with the most outstanding personalities of the enemy >was a trick to obvious too be able to split the opponents of globalisation >except maybe the neo-liberal public relations NGOs, which are in no way >needed by the movement. But globalisation used also more subtle instruments >as for example the ideological bombardment against peoples which are being >denounced as �nationalists� (Yugoslavia), �fundamentalists� (Arab countries) >and even �fascists� (Iraq) to destroy their legitimacy as popular forces >against neo-liberalism. > >Unfortunately in Prague representatives of those forces were lacking. > >Even in those parts of the movement that regard themselves as >internationalist (let alone the absurd current of anti-nationals) there is a >broad refusal against those forces of real resistance against globalisation >inspired by �politically correct� prejudices and US and European centrism. >This is not only impeding the broad unity respecting the different forms of >protest effectively fighting globalisation. It is also helping the >neo-liberal globalisers to isolate the centres of resistance that we need to >bring down the international totalitarism of the New World Order. In order >to reach the unity to confront neo-liberalism we have to attempt to give >those peoples a voice in the movement against globalisation on the base of >mutual respect and the right of self-determination, sovereignty and its own >identity against the Western imperialist unitary thought. > > >A further problem: the split in the Czech movement > >We only can speculate about the reasons why it was not possible to integrate >the communist forces against globalisation in Eastern Europe in general and >especially in the Czech republic. They would have been decisive to back the >protests with mass support as the Czech Communist Party (KSCM) can count on >the electoral support of more than 20% of the population which is expressing >a clear discontent with ten years of capitalism. One reason for the fact >that the KSCM did not participate at the IMPEG alliance is obviously its >social democratic integration into the institutions, its low appreciation >for mass protests and also its weakness to organise them � characteristics >of many communist parties originating from the state apparatus. > >At the same time INPEG displayed a sectarian and excluding attitude against >communists. This was not only proved by some banners reading �The revolution >will not be bolshevised� or leaflets headlining �Nationalists, Stalinists >and parties of the regime are social and class enemies even if they present >themselves as forces of resistance� proving a profound anti-communist >spirit. The majority of the autonomous movement of Eastern Europe have their >origins in the left, anti-authoritarian wing of the civil right movement >against the bureaucratised non capitalist collectivist regimes and regard >the CPs still as enemies although they also have become excluded by >globalisation. Therefore they must be an integral part of an alliance. We >have to fight against the anti-communist currents in order to achieve unity. >At the same time the struggle against the neo-liberal social democracy and >the opportunist pragmatism of many former communist party is necessary and >legitimate. > > >The international day of action seen from the �blue block� > >Our delegation has joint the �blue� part of the international demonstration. >(The demonstration consisted of three parts, blue, yellow and pink in order >to surround the congress centre and to encircle the participants inside.) In >this colourful diversity on the Memesti Miru place (place of freedom where >the starting rally took place) we felt most close to the Bask delegation >that participated in the blue block with their ikarunas (national flags). >The leadership of the blue demonstration was provided by the �black block� >consisting of the German, Greek and Czech autonomous movement. Our decision >to join the blue part was proved correct as they attacked the military >blockade most seriously erected around the conference centre. The clash with >the blue front which left many injured and led to several arrests was a >evidently a major reason for the IMF to prematurely finish its meeting. > >However, only some meters away from the place of battle very few reminded of >the protests � maybe except the smell of tear gas. In Seattle the movement >was able to make the entire town the scene of protests. The �guerrilla >tactics� of Seattle is indispensable facing the powerful and concentrated >military and police deployment. The blockade and the prevention of the >conference as the main aim can only be reached with numerous tactical and >propagandistic collateral actions of different types. Especially those >actions allowed it in Seattle to break the media blockade and achieve the >broad dimension of the protest movement. Only the entirety of actions brings >about the political success and the possibility to reach the main goal. > >In Prague the police tried to avoid these dynamics by unleashing brutality >against the de-centralised actions after the main demonstration. Therefore >those actions must be planned and co-ordinated in future events in order to >overcome sponateism, which helped the well-equipped police forces a lot to >repress the movement. > > >The struggle against globalisation is a popular one > >Events like in Seattle or Prague are only episodes in a long struggle. IMF, >WB and WTO are symbols of globalisation whose unjust character is expressed >in various social, political and cultural contradictions. The movement >against globalisation cannot be reduced to spectacular big mobilisations >that fall apart later. Seattle and Prague helped many small and local >movements to understand themselves as part of an overall struggle that is >not only directed against single brutalities of globalisation but against >the totality of the social, political and cultural system of the New World >Order. In this way the alliance of Seattle and Prague must link itself to >the concrete social and political struggles of the population hit day by day >by the injustice. However, up to now the movement against globalisation was >strongly stamped by different forms of Western sub-culture not only >hindering many to participate but often even explicitly striving for an >encapsulation against the �normal� population. This can und must be overcome >by a new internationalist culture of resistance. > >In this sense it is not only necessary to develop the international movement >against globalisation into a real popular movement but also to develop a >social and political alternative to counterpoise to the New World Order. The >unity in action on the political base of �justice and liberty� as well as >�globalisation of solidarity� is more than vague and risks to fall apart >right after every mobilisation. We need critical reflection of the results >of our practical struggle, we need exchange in order to find the appropriate >points and forms of new common action to deepen the contradiction of the New >World Order and to strengthen the anti-imperialist struggle. Within it a >revolutionary force must be built step by step advocating a new political >and economic project of emancipation. > >An international movement to smash NATO or the European Union would be an >important continuation and concretisation of the movement of Prague. This is >necessary in order to win also the broad support of the popular masses of >Eastern Europe. > >And when the struggles of peoples like those of Yugoslavia or Colombia is >openly challenging the New World Order the opponents of globalisation must >organise throughout the world new Seattles and Pragues. Only in those >struggles and its internationalist dynamics the hopes for justice and >liberty can become a real force being able to break the totalitarism of >globalisation and to start the transformation of society. In this frame the >movement of Seattle and Prague has to prove its real character. > >Permanent Bureau of the ILC >Vienna, October 30, 2000 > >*************************************** >International Leninist Current (ILC) >Corriente Leninista Internacional (CLI) >PF 23, A-1040 Wien, Austria >Tel & Fax +43 1 504 00 10 >[EMAIL PROTECTED] >www.comports.com/ilc >www.antiimperialista.com > > _______________________________________________________ KOMINFORM P.O. Box 66 00841 Helsinki - Finland +358-40-7177941, fax +358-9-7591081 e-mail [EMAIL PROTECTED] http://www.kominf.pp.fi _______________________________________________________ Kominform list for general information. Subscribe/unsubscribe messages to [EMAIL PROTECTED] Anti-Imperialism list for anti-imperialist news. Subscribe/unsubscribe messages: [EMAIL PROTECTED] [EMAIL PROTECTED] _______________________________________________________
