Belgrade Journal, Monday October 9, 1 p.m.

The violence that no one speaks about
Toward a new test of strength?

MICHEL COLLON

It's heading toward a new street demonstration, undoubtedly
smaller than the one Oct. 5. The Serb Parliament met today
and the opposition DOS hurled down an ultimatum: if the law
on university activities is not abolished (a law that was
aimed at stopping opposition activities using university
resources), then a demonstration will take place and the
parliament could be if not invaded, at least encircled and
blockaded.

But the real battle lies somewhere else. DOS won the
presidency, but no government. It doesn't have the federal
government of Yugoslavia where it is expected that a
government of the Serb Socialists (SPS--Milosevic) and
Montenegrins (SNP--Bulatovic) will form the majority. Nor
has it the Serbian government, which has been in place for
years and should remain for another year by law, and which
reflects the old electoral balance of forces.

What majority in the Serb Parliament? Total confusion.

In the Serb Parliament, the strongest single party (83
representatives out of 255) is the Radical Party (right-wing
nationalists) of Seselj, allied with the Milosevic forces.
But this party was flattened in the last elections and is
threatened with disappearing. Its leaders are desperately
searching for a way of saving it.

To maintain the present alliance, they ended by coming up
with a series of demands judged unrealistic by an SPS leader
I met. For example, the electoral law would be revised to
make the entire country a single voting area, which would
assure the Radicals the best chance of getting at least some
representatives in Parliament.

The SPO of Draskovic - this party also on the verge of
disappearing - pulled out of this government and would
prefer that it didn't exist. In reality, the two parties are
trapped: as the DOS won all their voters away, they would be
eliminated if there were new elections. Thus the SPO and the
Radicals are tempted to form a new Serb government together,
without new elections, and without the Socialists, which
could last a year.

But on the other hand, there two parties are above all
putting forth their appeals to increase their bids in
negotiations with the DOS and SPS. Without principle, they
are trying to get enough people from one side or the other.

Such great political maneuvering is also going on full blast
about constituting the new federal government. The
indispensable partner, the Montenegrin Socialist Party, is
being wooed strongly. DOS immediately made offers to it.

Only, in a year there will be new elections in Montenegro,
and in this country (Yugoslavia), the elections for the
governments of the republics are even more important than
that of the federal government with regard to legal
responsibility and budgets. The Montenegrin socialists have
electoral momentum and could win against the pro-U.S.
right-wing party led by Djukanovic. But if they ally
themselves with the Serb right wing, the DOS, which has
exactly the same IMF-type program as Djukanovic, their
trademark will lose its value. That's why they have chosen
Milosevic's SPS as their partners. Everything has been
negotiated. There remains but one obstacle.

Set back in this arena, the DOS began to challenge the
election of 18 Socialist Party deputies. It advanced the
argument that the Constitutional Court had not accepted the
results of these voting areas but . for the presidential
election. On the contrary, for the parliamentary elections,
the DOS representatives had all signed official documents
validating the results, without raising any complaints to
the Control Commission.

For Kosovo, the argument is that the voting bureaus had been
closed at 4 p.m., instead of 8 p.m., in light of the
insecure conditions in that province. All that seems to be
far fetched and to prosecute another end. A parliamentary
commission should soon verify the validity of these 18
seats. The SPS and SNP will be a majority there and the
result seems unquestionable.

Far from the cameras, Djindjic's violence

It is perhaps just because of this that the DOS is keeping
up the pressure. What methods does it employ? Threats of
demonstrations and blockades of legal institutions, physical
violence and threats against members of the Socialist Party
and various state institutions, seizures of certain
enterprises.

Behind the symbolic figures of Kostunica, who occupies
center stage, is Zoran Djindjic organizing all of that.
Having sold out long ago to German and then U.S. interests,
as everyone knows here, Djindjic, widely despised, has made
use of Kostunica to defeat Milosevic, and at present, he is
rushing toward real power. By violence.

The Belgrade headquarters of the Socialist Party has been
completely destroyed. Kostunica sent a photographer, who
appeared shocked by what he saw at the place. Some homes of
SPS members have been burned. Numerous enterprises - for
example the Din tobacco factory - have been put by force
into the hands of Djindjic's people, as well as a number of
joint-venture companies (those collaborating with foreign
companies).

But official institutions have also been confiscated. The
bank of payments, the one that carries out all financial
transfers, has been put under control of Djindjic. At this
moment the DOS has used force to expel the director of the
children's hospital, Mr. Scepanovic, who is qualified and
competent at his work, but guilty of being a member of the
Socialist Party.

Other events of this character can not yet be told because
the victims are too frightened. But the facts have been
recorded and when something happens, they will be spread.
And in the provinces, acts of terror have been even more
widespread than in Belgrade, where it's necessary to
preserve a presentable image.

It is not for this at all that the people voted. They voted
to live better and because the majority had lost confidence
in Milosevic. It is also to keep these facts about the
violence from being known by the public that all the media
have been placed since the beginning under control of the
DOS, more precisely of Djindjic.

It is DOS and the West who have set up a media monopoly!

It is Djindjic, not Kostunica, who has very effectively
organized the occupation of the public media centers: RTS
(Serb television), the press agency Tanjug, the daily
newspaper Politika. He did it with the complicity of certain
directors of these media centers, and by either pushing out
the other journalists by force or submitting them to great
pressures.

The result: When you turn on the television today, you see
the same thing everywhere: Kostunica and DOS, or perhaps DOS
and Kostunica. Nothing else. Never a point of view of the
other camp.

They used to charge Milosevic with monopolizing the media.
But, under Milosevic, even if there had been suspensions
during certain periods, the opposition had three times as
much media coverage than those in power and with regard to
the electronic media, five times as much. And also his
television. The population was bombarded constantly with
those opinions, which had greatly influenced it. At present,
all information is under the control of a single party, and
that is called "democracy."

In addition, very modern psychological methods are applied
to the media. One can see that they have been prepared for a
long time. Washington's dollars (see our previous articles)
have been invested to prepare these modern media techniques.

What will happen? The DOS will try to keep up the pressure
to stop the functioning of governments at each level that
they don't control, using demonstrations and confrontations.
But most of the people here want the end to violence and the
return of calm, using institutional obstruction like those
described above. The more time passes, the less they can use
force. That's at least what many here hope.




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