>From: "mart" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>

>  Date: Mon, 30 Oct 2000 17:49:34 -0800
>  Subject: FW: Al-Aqsa Intifada By Noam Chomsky
>  From: "Simin Farkhondeh" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
>
>
>   October 25, 2000
>   Al-Aqsa Intifada
>   By Noam Chomsky
>
>   After three weeks of virtual war in the Israeli occupied territories,
>Prime
>
>  Minister Ehud Barak announced a new plan to determine the final status of
>  the
>
>  region. During these weeks, over 100 Palestinians were killed, including
>30
>
>  children, often by "excessive use of lethal force in circumstances in
>which
>
>  neither the lives of the security forces nor others were in imminent
>danger,
>
>  resulting in unlawful killings," Amnesty International concluded in a
>
>  detailed report that was scarcely mentioned in the US. The ratio of
>
>  Palestinian to Israeli dead was then about 15-1, reflecting the resources
>of
>
>  force available.
>
>
>  Barak's plan was not given in detail, but the outlines are familiar: they
>
>  conform to the "final status map" presented by the US-Israel as the basis
>  for
>
>  the Camp David negotiations that collapsed in July. This plan, extending
>
>  US-Israeli rejectionist proposals of earlier years, called for
>cantonization
>
>  of the territories that Israel had conquered in 1967, with mechanisms to
>
>  ensure that usable land and resources (primarily water) remain largely in
>
>  Israeli hands while the population is administered by a corrupt and brutal
>
>  Palestinian authority (PA), playing the role traditionally assigned to
>
>  indigenous collaborators under the several varieties of imperial rule: the
>
>  Black leadership of South Africa's Bantustans, to mention only the most
>
>  obvious analogue. In the West Bank, a northern canton is to include Nablus
>
>  and other Palestinian cities, a central canton is based in Ramallah, and a
>
>  southern canton in Bethlehem; Jericho is to remain isolated. Palestinians
>
>  would be effectively cut off from Jerusalem, the center of Palestinian
>life.
>
>  Similar arrangements are likely in Gaza, with Israel keeping the southern
>
>  coastal region and a small settlement at Netzarim (the site of many of the
>
>  recent atrocities), which is hardly more than an excuse for a large
>military
>
>  presence and roads splitting the Strip below Gaza City. These proposals
>
>  formalize the vast settlement and construction programs that Israel has
>been
>
>  conducting, thanks to munificent US aid, with increasing energy since the
>US
>
>  was able to implement its version of the "peace process" after the Gulf
>war.
>
>
>  For more on the negotiations and their background, see my July 25
>  commentary;
>
>  and for further background, the commentary by Alex and Stephen Shalom,
>Oct.
>
>  10.
>
>
>  The goal of the negotiations was to secure official PA adherence to this
>
>  project. Two months after they collapsed, the current phase of violence
>
>  began. Tensions, always high, were raised when the Barak government
>
>  authorized a visit by Ariel Sharon with 1000 police to the Muslim
>religious
>
>  sites (Al-Aqsa) on a Thursday (Sept. 28). Sharon is the very symbol of
>
>  Israeli state terror and aggression, with a rich record of atrocities
>going
>
>  back to 1953. Sharon's announced purposal was to demonstrate "Jewish
>
>  sovereignty" over the al-Aqsa compound, but as the veteran correspondent
>
>  Graham Usher points out, the "al-Aqsa intifada," as Palestinians call it,
>  was
>
>  not initiated by Sharon's visit; rather, by the massive and intimidating
>
>  police and military presence that Barak introduced the following day, the
>  day
>
>  of prayers. Predictably, that led to clashes as thousands of people
>streamed
>
>  out of the mosque, leaving 7 Palestinians dead and 200 wounded. Whatever
>
>  Barak's purposal, there could hardly have been a more efficient way to set
>  the
>
>  stage for the shocking atrocities of the following weeks.
>
>
>  The same can be said about the failed negotiations, which focused on
>
>  Jerusalem, a condition observed strictly by US commentary. Possibly
>Israeli
>
>  sociologist Baruch Kimmerling was exaggerating when he wrote that a
>solution
>
>  to this problem "could have been reached in five minutes," but he is right
>  to
>
>  say that "by any diplomatic logic [it] should have been the easiest issue
>to
>
>  solve (Ha'aretz, Oct. 4). It is understandable that Clinton-Barak should
>  want
>
>  to suppress what they are doing in the occupied territories, which is far
>
>  more important. Why did Arafat agree? Perhaps because he recognizes that
>the
>
>  leadership of the Arab states regard the Palestinians as a nuisance, and
>  have
>
>  little problem with the Bantustan-style settlement, but cannot overlook
>
>  administration of the religious sites, fearing the reaction of their own
>
>  populations. Nothing could be better calculated to set off a confrontation
>
>  with religious overtones, the most ominous kind, as centuries of
>experience
>
>  reveal.
>
>
>  The primary innovation of Barak's new plan is that the US-Israeli demands
>  are
>
>  to be imposed by direct force instead of coercive diplomacy, and in a
>  harsher
>
>  form, to punish the victims who refused to concede politely. The outlines
>  are
>
>  in basic accord with policies established informally in 1968 (the Allon
>
>  Plan), and variants that have been proposed since by both political
>  groupings
>
>  (the Sharon Plan, the Labor government plans, and others). It is important
>  to
>
>  recall that the policies have not only been proposed, but implemented,
>with
>
>  the support of the US. That support has been decisive since 1971, when
>
>  Washington abandoned the basic diplomatic framework that it had initiated
>  (UN
>
>  Security Council Resolution 242), then pursued its unilateral rejection of
>
>  Palestinian rights in the years that followed, culminating in the "Oslo
>
>  process." Since all of this has been effectively vetoed from history in
>the
>
>  US, it takes a little work to discover the essential facts. They are not
>
>  controversial, only evaded.
>
>
>  As noted, Barak's plan is a particularly harsh version of familiar
>  US-Israeli
>
>  rejectionism. It calls for terminating electricity, water,
>
>  telecommunications, and other services that are doled out in meager
>rations
>
>  to the Palestinian population, who are now under virtual siege. It should
>be
>
>  recalled that independent development was ruthlessly barred by the
>military
>
>  regime from 1967, leaving the people in destitution and dependency, a
>  process
>
>  that has worsened considerably during the US-run "Oslo process." One
>reason
>
>  is the "closures" regularly instituted, most brutally by the more dovish
>
>  Labor-based governments. As discussed by another outstanding journalist,
>
>  Amira Hass, this policy was initiated by the Rabin government "years
>before
>
>  Hamas had planned suicide attacks, [and] has been perfected over the
>years,
>
>  especially since the establishment of the Palestinian National Authority."
>  An
>
>  efficient mechanism of strangulation and control, closure has been
>
>  accompanied by the importation of an essential commodity to replace the
>  cheap
>
>  and exploited Palestinian labor on which much of the economy relies:
>  hundreds
>
>  of thousands of illegal immigrants from around the world, many of them
>
>  victims of the "neoliberal reforms" of the recent years of
>"globalization."
>
>  Surviving in misery and without rights, they are regularly described as a
>
>  virtual slave labor force in the Israeli press. The current Barak proposal
>  is
>
>  to extend this program, reducing still further the prospects even for mere
>
>  survival for the Palestinians.
>
>
>  A major barrier to the program is the opposition of the Israeli business
>
>  community, which relies on a captive Palestinian market for some $2.5
>  billion
>
>  in annual exports, and has "forged links with Palestinian security
>  officials"
>
>  and Arafat's "economic adviser, enabling them to carve out monopolies with
>
>  official PA consent" (Financial Times, Oct. 22; also NYT, same day). They
>
>  have also hoped to set up industrial zones in the territories,
>transferring
>
>  pollution and exploiting a cheap labor force in maquiladora-style
>
>  installations owned by Israeli enterprises and the Palestinian elite, who
>  are
>
>  enriching themselves in the time-honored fashion.
>
>
>  Barak's new proposals appear to be more of a warning than a plan, though
>  they
>
>  are a natural extension of what has come before. Insofar as they are
>
>  implemented, they would extend the project of "invisible transfer" that
>has
>
>  been underway for many years, and that makes more sense than outright
>  "ethnic
>
>  cleansing" (as we call the process when carried out by official enemies).
>
>  People compelled to abandon hope and offered no opportunities for
>meaningful
>
>  existence will drift elsewhere, if they have any chance to do so. The
>plans,
>
>  which have roots in traditional goals of the Zionist movement from its
>
>  origins (across the ideological spectrum), were articulated in internal
>
>  discussion by Israeli government Arabists in 1948 while outright ethnic
>
>  cleansing was underway: their expectation was that the refugees "would be
>
>  crushed" and "die," while "most of them would turn into human dust and the
>
>  waste of society, and join the most impoverished classes in the Arab
>
>  countries." Current plans, whether imposed by coercive diplomacy or
>outright
>
>  force, have similar goals. They are not unrealistic if they can rely on
>the
>
>  world-dominant power and its intellectual classes.
>
>
>  The current situation is described accurately by Amira Hass, in Israel's
>  most
>
>  prestigious daily (Ha'aretz, Oct. 18). Seven years after the Declaration
>of
>
>  Principles in September 1993 -- which foretold this outcome for anyone who
>
>  chose to see -- "Israel has security and administrative control" of most
>of
>
>  the West Bank and 20% of the Gaza Strip. It has been able "to double the
>
>  number of settlers in 10 years, to enlarge the settlements, to continue
>its
>
>  discriminatory policy of cutting back water quotas for three million
>
>  Palestinians, to prevent Palestinian development in most of the area of
>the
>
>  West Bank, and to seal an entire nation into restricted areas, imprisoned
>in
>
>  a network of bypass roads meant for Jews only. During these days of strict
>
>  internal restriction of movement in the West Bank, one can see how
>carefully
>
>  each road was planned: So that 200,000 Jews have freedom of movement,
>about
>
>  three million Palestinians are locked into their Bantustans until they
>  submit
>
>  to Israeli demands. The bloodbath that has been going on for three weeks
>is
>
>  the natural outcome of seven years of lying and deception, just as the
>first
>
>  Intifada was the natural outcome of direct Israeli occupation."
>
>
>  The settlement and construction programs continue, with US support,
>whoever
>
>  may be in office. On August 18, Ha'aretz noted that two governments --
>Rabin
>
>  and Barak -- had declared that settlement was "frozen," in accord with the
>
>  dovish image preferred in the US and by much of the Israeli left. They
>made
>
>  use of the "freezing" to intensify settlement, including economic
>  inducements
>
>  for the secular population, automatic grants for ultra-religious settlers,
>
>  and other devices, which can be carried out with little protest while "the
>
>  lesser of two evils" happens to be making the decisions, a pattern hardly
>
>  unfamiliar elsewhere. "There is freezing and there is reality," the report
>
>  observes caustically. The reality is that settlement in the occupied
>
>  territories has grown over four times as fast as in Israeli population
>
>  centers, continuing -- perhaps accelerating -- under Barak. Settlement
>  brings
>
>  with it large infrastructure projects designed to integrate much of the
>
>  region within Israel, while leaving Palestinians isolated, apart from
>
>  "Palestinian roads" that are travelled at one's peril.
>
>
>  Another journalist with an outstanding record, Danny Rubinstein, points
>out
>
>  that "readers of the Palestinian papers get the impression (and rightly
>so)
>
>  that activity in the settlements never stops. Israel is constantly
>building,
>
>  expanding and reinforcing the Jewish settlements in the West Bank and
>Gaza.
>
>  Israel is always grabbing homes and lands in areas beyond the 1967 lines -
>
>  and of course, this is all at the expense of the Palestinians, in order to
>
>  limit them, push them into a corner and then out. In other words, the goal
>  is
>
>  to eventually dispossess them of their homeland and their capital,
>  Jerusalem"
>
>  (Ha'aretz, October 23).
>
>
>  Readers of the Israeli press, Rubinstein continues, are largely shielded
>  from
>
>  the unwelcome facts, though not entirely so. In the US, it is far more
>
>  important for the population to be kept in ignorance, for obvious reasons:
>
>  the economic and military programs rely crucially on US support, which is
>
>  domestically unpopular and would be far more so if its purposes were
>known.
>
>
>  To illustrate, on October 3, after a week of bitter fighting and killing,
>  the
>
>  defense correspondent of Ha'aretz reported "the largest purchase of
>military
>
>  helicopters by the Israeli Air Force in a decade," an agreement with the
>US
>
>  to provide Israel with 35 Blackhawk military helicopters and spare parts
>at
>  a
>
>  cost of $525 million, along with jet fuel, following the purchase shortly
>
>  before of patrol aircraft and Apache attack helicopters. These are "the
>
>  newest and most advanced multi-mission attack helicopters in the US
>
>  inventory," the Jerusalem Post adds. It would be unfair to say that those
>
>  providing the gifts cannot discover the fact. In a database search, David
>
>  Peterson found that they were reported in the Raleigh (North Carolina)
>  press.
>
>  The sale of military helicopters was condemned by Amnesty International
>  (Oct.
>
>  19), because these "US-supplied helicopters have been used to violate the
>
>  human rights of Palestinians and Arab Israelis during the recent conflict
>in
>
>  the region." Surely that was anticipated, barring advanced cretinism.
>
>
>  Israel has been condemned internationally (the US abstaining) for
>"excessive
>
>  use of force," in a "disproportionate reaction" to Palestinian violence.
>  That
>
>  includes even rare condemnations by the ICRC, specifically, for attacks on
>  at
>
>  least 18 Red Cross ambulances (NYT, Oct 4). Israel's response is that it
>is
>
>  being unfairly singled out for criticism. The response is entirely
>accurate.
>
>  Israel is employing official US doctrine, known here as "the Powell
>
>  doctrine," though it is of far more ancient vintage, tracing back
>centuries:
>
>  Use massive force in response to any perceived threat. Official Israeli
>
>  doctrine allows "the full use of weapons against anyone who endangers
>lives
>
>  and especially at anyone who shoots at our forces or at Israelis" (Israeli
>
>  military legal adviser Daniel Reisner, FT, Oct. 6). Full use of force by a
>
>  modern army includes tanks, helicopter gunships, sharpshooters aiming at
>
>  civilians (often children), etc. US weapons sales "do not carry a
>  stipulation
>
>  that the weapons can't be used against civilians," a Pentagon official
>said;
>
>  he "acknowleged however that anti-tank missiles and attack helicopters are
>
>  not traditionally considered tools for crowd control" -- except by those
>
>  powerful enough to get away with it, under the protective wings of the
>
>  reigning superpower. "We cannot second-guess an Israeli commander who
>calls
>
>  in a Cobra (helicopter) gunship because his troops are under attack,"
>  another
>
>  US official said (Deutsche Presse-Agentur, October 3). Accordingly, such
>
>  killing machines must be provided in an unceasing flow.
>
>
>  It is not surprising that a US client state should adopt standard US
>  military
>
>  doctrine, which has left a toll too awesome to record, including very
>recent
>
>  years. The US and Israel are, of course, not alone in adopting this
>  doctrine,
>
>  and it is sometimes even condemned: namely, when adopted by enemies
>targeted
>
>  for destruction. A recent example is the response of Serbia when its
>
>  territory (as the US insists it is) was attacked by Albanian-based
>
>  guerrillas, killing Serb police and civilians and abducting civilians
>
>  (including Albanians) with the openly-announced intent of eliciting a
>
>  "disproportionate response" that would arouse Western indignation, then
>NATO
>
>  military attack. Very rich documentation from US, NATO, and other Western
>
>  sources is now available, most of it produced in an effort to justify the
>
>  bombing. Assuming these sources to be credible, we find that the Serbian
>
>  response -- while doubtless "disproportionate" and criminal, as alleged --
>
>  does not compare with the standard resort to the same doctrine by the US
>and
>
>  its clients, Israel included.
>
>
>  In the mainstream British press, we can at last read that "If Palestinians
>
>  were black, Israel would now be a pariah state subject to economic
>sanctions
>
>  led by the United States [which is not accurate, unfortunately]. Its
>
>  development and settlement of the West Bank would be seen as a system of
>
>  apartheid, in which the indigenous population was allowed to live in a
>tiny
>
>  fraction of its own country, in self-administered `bantustans', with
>  `whites'
>
>  monopolising the supply of water and electricity. And just as the black
>
>  population was allowed into South Africa's white areas in disgracefully
>
>  under-resourced townships, so Israel's treatment of Israeli Arabs -
>
>  flagrantly discriminating against them in housing and education spending -
>
>  would be recognised as scandalous too" (Observer, Guardian, Oct. 15).
>
>
>  Such conclusions will come as no surprise to those whose vision has not
>been
>
>  constrained by the doctrinal blinders imposed for many years. It remains a
>
>  major task to remove them in the most important country. That is a
>
>  prerequisite to any constructive reaction to the mounting chaos and
>
>  destruction, terrible enough before our eyes, and with long-term
>  implications
>
>  that are not pleasant to contemplate.
>
>
>
>
>
>_______________________________________________________
>
>
>GANGBOX: CONSTRUCTION WORKERS NEWS SERVICE
>
>GANGBOX homepage:
>
>http://www.GeoCities.com/gangbox/
>
>comments? email: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
>
>"UNION NOW, UNION FOREVER"
>******************************************
>
>


_______________________________________________________

KOMINFORM
P.O. Box 66
00841 Helsinki - Finland
+358-40-7177941, fax +358-9-7591081
e-mail [EMAIL PROTECTED]
http://www.kominf.pp.fi

_______________________________________________________

Kominform  list for general information.
Subscribe/unsubscribe  messages to

[EMAIL PROTECTED]

Anti-Imperialism list for anti-imperialist news.

Subscribe/unsubscribe messages:

[EMAIL PROTECTED]
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
_______________________________________________________


Reply via email to