>From: Perry Vodchik <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> >Mailing-List: list [EMAIL PROTECTED]; contact >Is there a Pre-Revolutionary >Situation in Russia? > >In reviewing the comments which have appeared >on the ISKRA and proletarism lists on the >contradiction between the Samara Stachkom, the >Party of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat and >'Zashchita,' ISWoR, it seems apparent that many >comrades in the 'West,' including Ben Seattle, >Dave Bedggood, Peter LaVenia and others, have >the greatest difficulty putting themselves into the >shoes of the Russian proletariat. > >One crucial element of the PDP's analysis of the >contemporary world situation is that Russia, right >now, today, is in a pre-revolutionary situation; that >at any moment historic class battles can erupt >there. Although many of the comrades know the >facts which prove that Russia is in the grip of a >profound, all-sided crisis, their analysis of these >facts proceeds from the perspective of those who >have lived their lives as revolutionaries in >non-revolutionary times and places, in times and >places when both the bourgeoisie and significant >fraction of the working class are able to easily >persuade themselves that things can and must go >on in the old way. This is entirely understandable, >but, nonetheless, leads to a tragically flawed >approach to the crucial questions. > >So many of the doubts and criticisms of these >comrades would be correct if only their >fundamental assessment of the present stage of >historical development in Russia were not wrong. > >In revolutionary and pre-revolutionary situations, >to work for reformist, parliamentary goals is, quite >simply, counter-revolutionary. At such times, >revolutionaries must set themselves different >tasks. This is not because they have lost sight of >the beneficial effects on working class >consciousness of the struggle for limited >objectives, nor because they have turned their >backs on the struggle of the class to improve its >economic situation; but because they realize that, >once a given social-economic order has >exhausted all its possibilities for development, >when the terminal, all-sided crisis is at hand, then >all these benefits, and more, can only be obtained >in revolutionary struggle against the oppressor, >and, moreover, the pursuit of limited aims, without >constantly linking them to larger political demands, >interferes with such revolutionary development by >retarding the development of proletarian, >revolutionary consciousness. > >Let's take as an example one fragment from >comrade Ben's recent posting "Information war >breaks out ..." > >"And there is an important tactical >issue related to the labor code: If a >mass struggle is developing against >an employer it often makes a >considerable difference, tactically, >as to which side is violating the >law--if only because this will effect >the ability to rally mass support for a >popular struggle--because it will >impact the thinking of >less-advanced sections of the >working class." > >Such an assessment makes perfect sense in >most developed capitalist countries, where the rule >of bourgeois law prevails and when the situation is >not revolutionary. It makes little or no sense when >applied to Russia today! The law, in Russia today, >is a complete fiction. Arbitrariness and >lawlessness are the norm. Just consider some of >the actual circumstances; > >Banking is a dangerous profession; a well >dressed banker wears Kevlar. > >Squabbles between rival business groups >are often settled by conflict between hired >thugs; as for example in the recent case of >the Krystal Vodka Factory. > >The tax police wear ski masks and carry >automatic weapons when they go tax >collecting. > >A state of open contradiction exists >between the regional governors and the >central government. Many decrees and >laws of the central government are, illegally, >ignored in the regions. > >Billions of dollars are, illegally, leeching out >of Russia daily to reach safe haven in the >Western metropolises. > >Organized crime (mafia style) is at >epidemic levels. > >Organized crime (bourgeois style) is at >epidemic levels. > >Organized crime (feudal and >petty-bourgeois styles) is at epidemic >levels. > >Agricultural and industrial production have >all but collapsed. Seventy percent of the >Russian working class are unemployed or >underemployed. > >Workers are frequently, but illegally, not >even paid their pittances for months and >sometimes years at a time > >Soldiers in Chechnia go on strike because >they have not received their combat >allowances. > >The infrastructure, after decades of >negative accumulation, is in a state of >catastrophic decay. The fire at Ostankino >and the Kursk are only the early harbingers >of greater disasters to come. > >The largest 'trade union,' the FNPR, >organizes no strikes. Its role is to fight >rear-guard actions, on behalf of the ruling >class, to defuse the actual wild-cat strike >actions of the workers; yet such actions are >going on all the time, in spite of the fact >that they are all illegal. > >Occasional court decisions which do favour >the working class are not upheld in life. > >Such is the situation that faces the Russian >proletariat today. In these circumstances, can it >really make a difference which side has the law >behind it? In circumstances where the proletariat >has lost all faith in the President and the Duma, >can it really be a step toward revolution to call >upon the workers to devote their energies to a >parliamentary struggle? > >Now comrades LaVenia, Seattle and others have >criticized the PDP for lacking an appropriate >'reform' component, but can we properly even use >the word 'reform' to describe the struggles which >are on the agenda in Russia today? How can a >state mechanism which is so broadly ineffectual >be reformed? It is not senseless and harmful to >waste the revolutionary energy of the working >class chasing legal reform when the law is without >effect? Do strategy and tactics appropriate to >fighting for a reduction in the working day apply, >without change, to a situation where the fight is to >prevent the increase of the working day? > >This same perspective, distorts Western >comrades perception of the political situation. For >example, in reading comrade Ben's description of >one of the "factual matters that are still very >unclear," we find; > >"Oleg Shein says that his >organization, Zaschita, has >consistently exposed the >treacherous nature of the CPRF and >the FNPR while Grigorii Isaev >indicates that these trends may have >dominated many of the May 17 >actions and used these actions to >dull the minds of workers with >nonsense." > >Now this description may seem to make some >sense to Western ears, but it would be more >scientific to call Al Gore the leader of a >treacherous trend in the U.S. workers' movement >than to award this title to Zhyuganov, leader of the >KPRF (CPRF). Comrades should bear in mind >that, while most of the organizations and trends >participating for example in ISWoR or the >proletarism list would be delighted if they could >boast a quarter of a thousand members, >Zhyuganov's party, even after a decade of >relentless decline, still boasts a quarter of a >million! The KPRF is the party of the old >quasi-feudal Soviet ruling class, and, as recently >as a decade ago, its word was law! As a practical >matter, everyone in positions of authority in Russia >today, from Putin down, was, ten short years ago, >a member of the KPRF's predecessor >organization, the CPSU. This is not the late Gus >Hall's CPUSA, but an organization which >expresses the interests of an important segment >of today's ruling class, namely the remnants of the >quasi-feudal rulers who dominated the Soviet >Union for half a century. > >The KPRF is not a treacherous trend of the >workers' movement, but its sworn enemy. It is a >sophisticated, powerful and relentless machine >which has decades of experience in consciously >disorganizing the workers struggle. Moreover, >Isaev's contention is not that the KPRF dominated >the actions of May 17th, but rather that, in Samara >at least, they are the movement! The workers >have no interest in this parliamentary struggle, and >while comrade Shein may claim that he and >'Zashchita' "consistently expose their treacherous >nature," in fact it is precisely this force which they >are relying on to build the movement? > >Similar problems of perception and orientation are >evident in the comments of the CWGNZ on the >debate over the new Labour Code. For example in >their post of the 30th of October, 2000 to the >ISKRA list, we read; > >"Bourgeois rights must be defended >against the rise of fascism or else >the physical existence of organized >labor will be smashed, and with it the >capacity to develop a mass >revolutionary movement." > >There are several problems with this >characterization. In the first place, bourgeois right, >in a substantially developed form, does not yet >exist in Russia to be defended. What actually >exists could better be called the law of the jungle; >the present period is one of ongoing struggle >between the defeated quasi-feudal ruling class of >the Soviet period and the radical bourgeoisie to >divide the spoils. It is a period of primitive >accumulation through simple theft. Neither >bourgeois economic methods nor bourgeois right >have yet achieved even preponderance, let alone >dominance, in Russia today. Just consider, neither >has rule of law in general been established, nor >have a host of other cornerstones of elaborated >bourgeois right, specifically, land ownership, >settlement of debts and so forth, been laid there >yet. Even the fundamental, bourgeois right of the >worker, to be paid in accordance with labour, does >not really exist consistently in Russia. > >In the second place, what is meant, in this >context, by "organized labour?" The dominant >'labour' organization in Russia is the FNPR >(CFTUR), an organization which has, quite literally, >no experience organizing even the economic >struggles of the working class, and which was, and >continues to be, the loyal servant of the ruling >class. Oleg Shein has characterized this >organization as "a joke." Is this an example of >"consistently expos(ing) their treacherous nature?" >Or is it a prettification of an organization which >does the workers' struggle incalculable harm, but >which comrade Shein wants to use as the basis >for building his campaign in support of >parliamentary demands? No, Mikhail Shmakov is >no joke, but a very smooth operator. > >It is precisely the lack of working class >organization in Russia which is the root of the >proletariat's present difficulties in exploiting the >revolutionary potential which exists everywhere. >And where independent, militant workers >organizations such as the Stachkoms and >independent trades unions have arisen, the correct >course for them can only be to develop their >fighting readiness and organization in action and >through raising, ever more sharply, the political >demands and slogans which can explosively >develop the classes readiness for revolutionary >action; and not through miring them in the >bureaucratic, legalistic, parliamentary marsh, >which is, especially in the present >pre-revolutionary period of predatory capitalism, >roundly ignored by the ruling class since it poses >no threat to them. > >And this brings us to the fundamental divide >between the activities of 'Zashchita' and Peoples >Deputy Shein, and those of the PDP. The PDP is >preparing for proletarian revolution in Russia, >'Zashchita' is not. And this is why, if readers take >a calm look at the weapons of the two sides in this >debate, they will see clearly that 'Zashchita' has >avoided principled arguments almost entirely, >relying instead on smear, slander, libel, innuendo >and character assassination. > >The questions of Isaev remain! They are; > >1.What level of consciousness has the >Russian working class achieved up till now, >and thus, what are the appropriate slogans >around which it can organize and advance >to reestablishing its dictatorship? > >2.Why has the working class not taken up the >struggle against the new Labour Code as its >own? > >3.Who has the leadership of the campaign >against the new Labour Code? > >4.What is the role of KPRF in the workers' >struggle in Russia today? > >5.What is the role of CFTUR (FNPR) in the >workers' struggle in Russia today? > >The practical proposals of the PDP exist! They >are; > >1.the founding of a revolutionary, proletarian >party, > >2.the gathering and uniting of those energetic >workers collectives and organizations which >already exist into one strike force (under the >leadership, for example, of the All-Russia >Stachkom), > >3.arranging for the publication of a militant, >workers' newspaper, the base of which >could certainly be the paper of the Workers' >Council Stachkom) of the City of Samara, >"Strike." [Zabastovka] > >As I have said before, the cards are on the table. >Dodge and weave as they may, comrades Myers >and Shein cannot evade them! Nor, if they are the >revolutionaries that they pretend to be, should they >want to. These are the cardinal questions and key >tasks which the true friends of the working class >must address. And the answers of the PDP are >correct, subject only to one condition, namely that >a pre-revolutionary situation exists in Russia >today! > >And so that is the underlying question that we >must all answer. > >Is there a pre-revolutionary situation in Russia >today? > >And if your answer to this question is no, then my >question to you is "When?" When incipient >malnutrition gives way to starvation? When >unemployment reaches 90%? When the disarray >of the ruling class gives way to fascism? > >Comrades! The Time is Now! > >Perry Vodchik > > >______________________________________________ >FREE Personalized Email at Mail.com >Sign up at http://www.mail.com/?sr=signup > >-------------------------- eGroups Sponsor -------------------------~-~> >eLerts >It's Easy. It's Fun. Best of All, it's Free! >http://click.egroups.com/1/9699/3/_/687500/_/973654949/ >---------------------------------------------------------------------_-> > >Glory to October of 1917! Long Live the New October! >E-mail: [EMAIL PROTECTED] [EMAIL PROTECTED] >http://proletarism.org/ http://stachkom.org/ http://www.samara.ru/~stachkom/ > ICQ# 42743890 >Phone Stachkom Samara: (846-2) 352691, 353262. >Community email addresses: > Post message: [EMAIL PROTECTED] > Subscribe: [EMAIL PROTECTED] > Unsubscribe: [EMAIL PROTECTED] > List owner: [EMAIL PROTECTED] > >Shortcut URL to this page: > http://www.onelist.com/community/proletarism >---------------------------------------------- >[stachkomru] -The language of this list is Russian. >Community email addresses: >Post message: [EMAIL PROTECTED] >Subscribe: [EMAIL PROTECTED] >Unsubscribe: [EMAIL PROTECTED] >List owner: [EMAIL PROTECTED] > >Shortcut URL to this page: >http://www.onelist.com/community/stachkomru > > _______________________________________________________ KOMINFORM P.O. 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