>separatism and integration. They neither wish to complete >the bourgeois-democratic revolution for political equality >... nor will they permit the development of a movement for >an independent separate state. ... > >"The whole struggle of the working class as well as the >oppressed people and their allies everywhere is to recognize >that there can be no real independence, freedom or equality >as long as the monstrous system of capitalist exploitation >and imperialist oppression remains. The struggle for any and >all concessions must and will go on, and each concession won >is a building block in the struggle for emancipation from >imperialist finance capital." > >- END - > >(Copyleft Workers World Service: Everyone is permitted to >copy and distribute verbatim copies of this document, but >changing it is not allowed. For more information contact >Workers World, 55 W. 17 St., NY, NY 10011; via e-mail: >[EMAIL PROTECTED] For subscription info send message to: >[EMAIL PROTECTED] Web: http://www.workers.org) > > > > > > > > >Message-ID: <010c01c063d1$c8b69ee0$0a00a8c0@linux> >From: "WW" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> >Subject: [WW] Fred Goldstein: Election morass shows need for Marxism >Date: Mon, 11 Dec 2000 19:23:42 -0500 >Content-Type: text/plain; > charset="Windows-1252" >Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit > >------------------------- >Via Workers World News Service >Reprinted from the Dec. 14, 2000 >issue of Workers World newspaper >------------------------- > >ELECTION MORASS SHOWS NEED FOR MARXISM > >[Excerpts from a talk by Fred Goldstein at the Workers World >Party Conference Dec. 2-3] > >We would much rather discuss a mass strike struggle or the >storming of the barricades someplace or a great rebellion. >But the workers and oppressed are being engulfed by the all- >pervasive propaganda machine of the capitalists. They are >being forced to live through this election debacle day and >night. > >You can turn on the TV at 3:00 in the morning and still find >the entire news apparatus buzzing with election experts, >poll takers, lawyers, professors and politicians. And since >our class is going through this, we as communists must take >it up, no matter how distasteful. > >Indeed, nothing demonstrates the need for Marxist politics >so much as the task of threading our way through the morass >of this election struggle between the two camps of >capitalist pirates. > >What makes it so difficult to find the correct orientation >is that we live in the land of opportunism. In school they >call the U.S. the land of opportunity. But it is really the >land of opportunism. > >Why? Because U.S. imperialism has stolen so much wealth from >the oppressed peoples of the world that it has endless money >to throw crumbs to different sectors of the population to >keep them as contented slaves who abhor the idea of breaking >with the system. An essential part of breaking with the >system is asserting your political independence from >capitalism and its political machine. > >The problem of opportunism in the movement is not new. Marx >and Engels fought it the 19th century and Lenin fought it >during the struggle for the socialist revolution in czarist >Russia. > >In Lenin's famous book, "Left-Wing Communism, An Infantile >Disorder," written in 1920 and directed against the ultra- >left, one chapter is entitled, "In the Struggle Against What >Enemies Within the Working Class Movement Did Bolshevism >Grow Up and Become Strong and Steeled?" > >He gives the following answer: "Firstly and principally, in >the struggle against opportunism, which in 1914 had >definitely grown into social-chauvinism, had definitely >sided with the bourgeoisie against the proletariat. >Naturally, this was the principal enemy of Bolshevism within >the working-class movement. It remains the principal enemy >internationally too. The Bolsheviks devoted, and continue to >devote, most attention to this enemy." > >Communists in this country have the same problem. The social >democrats tell everyone that Bush represents the right-wing >danger and everyone should subordinate their efforts to >supporting Gore. > >Many militant activists in the new movement, some of whom >identify with anarchism, simply wash their hands of the >entire issue. They offer no guidance at all in the struggle. >The Nader movement, on the other hand, has put an absolute >equal sign between the two parties in order to justify its >progressive campaign against them. > >Neither of these positions is adequate for a working-class >party that wants to retain credibility in the struggle >against opportunism. We have been sympathetic to the new >movement that gravitated toward Nader, because he broke with >the two parties on the basis of their being in the pocket of >big business. We defended him against the reactionary >backlash by the Gore forces. But while we showed our >sympathy, we also showed the monumental ideological problems >with his reformist program. > >By totally disregarding the fact that the Republican Party >is generally to the right of the Democratic Party and is a >haven for ultra-racists, right-to-lifers, anti-lesbian, - >gay, -bi and -trans bigots, is rabidly anti-union and has a >more right-wing social base than the Democrats, Nader was >utterly insensitive to the progressive sections of the >movement. > >By disregarding the concerns of African Americans, women, >lesbian, gay, bi and trans people, and unionists, Nader made >it easier for the opportunists to line people up against him >and for Gore. Nader undermined his credibility and narrowed >his base. > >For a working-class party, the task is to show that in spite >of the fact that the Republicans have a different social >base and are more to the right, both parties are deadly >enemies of the workers and the oppressed--somewhat different >enemies, but enemies nevertheless. In the present struggle >between Bush and Gore, two mainstream capitalist >politicians, the differences between the parties pale in >significance compared to their fundamental class >similarities. > >Both parties are primarily political instruments of the >bosses to enforce capitalist exploitation, racism and >imperialist intervention around the world. They have a >common aim of keeping the masses chained to wage slavery and >oppression. > >To back Gore against Bush is to surrender class >independence. The only gains the masses have ever made in >this country were through their independent struggle, no >matter which bourgeois party was in power. > >- END - > >(Copyleft Workers World Service: Everyone is permitted to >copy and distribute verbatim copies of this document, but >changing it is not allowed. For more information contact >Workers World, 55 W. 17 St., NY, NY 10011; via e-mail: >[EMAIL PROTECTED] For subscription info send message to: >[EMAIL PROTECTED] Web: http://www.workers.org) > > > > > > > > >Message-ID: <011401c063d1$e38f2de0$0a00a8c0@linux> >From: "WW" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> >Subject: [WW] Imani Henry: Communist program fights all oppressions >Date: Mon, 11 Dec 2000 19:24:27 -0500 >Content-Type: text/plain; > charset="Windows-1252" >Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit > >------------------------- >Via Workers World News Service >Reprinted from the Dec. 14, 2000 >issue of Workers World newspaper >------------------------- > >COMMUNIST PROGRAM FIGHTS ALL OPPRESSIONS > >[Excerpts from a talk by Imani Henry at the Workers World >Party Conference Dec. 2-3] > >The political interventions we have made by connecting the >fight against the prison-industrial complex, police >brutality and for the freedom for Mumia Abu-Jamal to the >anti-globalization struggle have provided leadership to this >new movement. But most important, it is our revolutionary >program that serves as an example of how to build >multinational class unity. > >As Marxists we know that it's all about the program. It's >not just about the structure of an organization. If your >program is narrow then your organization will be narrow, and >if your program is broad then your organization will be >broad. > >The new movement isn't homogenous. Some are anarchists whose >rallying cry is to "smash the state" and call for a >classless, stateless society. Some activists want to see an >end to monopoly capital but not capitalism itself, and want >to build a reformist alternative. But all have come together >under the banner of fighting the World Trade Organization >and the International Monetary Fund. > >Recently I read a document written by students at the >University of Wisconsin at Madison entitled "Build an Anti- >Racist Student Movement." This was a call to white student >activists urging them to build alliances with communities of >color to better wage the struggle against sweatshop labor. >It talked about self-determination and taking leadership >from people of color, as well as raising anti-racist slogans >like fighting police brutality to broaden the struggle. > >This and other articles like "Where Were the People of Color >in Seattle?" have challenged this movement to take a >conscious stand against racism and national oppression. As a >result there have been forums to address insensitivity >within this movement. "White ally" working groups and >listserves have been created as a part of the structure of >some groups. > >While we applaud these well-meaning attempts by the movement >to re-examine itself in the name of building unity and >solidarity with oppressed peoples, at the same time we know >it's not about simply being an ally. An all-white listserve >of people talking among themselves about how to be in >solidarity with oppressed people is not going to do the >trick. > >First these activists must see themselves as part of the >working class and know that it's in the direct interest of >white workers to fight against racism. This is how the >ruling class divides us, pitting white workers against >people of color. And the best way to fight racism is in the >streets, in the struggle, shoulder to shoulder with people >of many nations. > >As this movement grapples with how to be more inclusive, it >makes me proud to be in a Party where multinational unity is >already put into practice. A Party whose very foundation is >built on 41 years of struggle against racism in the United >States and imperialism around the world. > >It is part of the day-to-day work of our Party to fight for >Mumia's and Leonard Peltier's freedom and stop the racist >executions on Texas' death row. Our party understands that >globalization is imperialism, and that the IMF/World Bank >are racist, neocolonial institutions that suck the life >blood out of oppressed countries around the world. > >Our revolutionary program demands that we fight against >capitalism itself, and every form of exploitation and >oppression that it produces. It's not merely about the right >slogan or paying lip service to the fight against special >oppression. > >There is careful thought to affirmative action within our >organization that places a priority on the development of >the leadership of oppressed people. That's why women make up >the majority of leadership in our Party. We have a large >lesbian, gay, bi and trans caucus because we believe that >their liberation is part and parcel of the class struggle. > >- END - > >(Copyleft Workers World Service: Everyone is permitted to >copy and distribute verbatim copies of this document, but >changing it is not allowed. For more information contact >Workers World, 55 W. 17 St., NY, NY 10011; via e-mail: >[EMAIL PROTECTED] For subscription info send message to: >[EMAIL PROTECTED] Web: http://www.workers.org) > > > > > > >Message-ID: <011c01c063d1$fb7d9540$0a00a8c0@linux> >From: "WW" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> >Subject: [WW] Elijah Crane: Learning how to make a revolution >Date: Mon, 11 Dec 2000 19:25:07 -0500 >Content-Type: text/plain; > charset="Windows-1252" >Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit > >------------------------- >Via Workers World News Service >Reprinted from the Dec. 14, 2000 >issue of Workers World newspaper >------------------------- > >LEARNING HOW TO MAKE A REVOLUTION > >[Excerpts from a talk by Elijah Crane at the Workers World >Party Conference Dec. 2-3] > >I came to Workers World Party from the working-class, >anarchist wing of the lesbian, gay, bi and trans movement. I >was involved in grassroots, direct-action groups. > >I have always been firm in my dedication to building a solid >revolutionary organization that would fight until victory in >revolution or die struggling. Throughout the years I had >checked out many groups that appeared to be for the >progressive struggle. > >For a short spell, I contemplated the possibility of >revolution without the use of so-called violence. > >Eventually I ended up in a circle of anarchist lesbians and >transgender people with guns who were dedicated to fighting >back in the most militant way. They were the first people >who not only agreed with my analysis, but also had their own >convictions about how rotten the system was, how it has to >go and that the only way to change the world was through >revolution. > >And it was those powerful anarchist folks who contributed to >my realization that violence is what the system perpetrates >against us. What we do is self-defense. > >The never-ending challenge facing our anarchist circle was: >"How do we make revolution?" > >I studied syndicalism, anarcho-communism, libertarianism, >and just for the sake of knowledge I studied anarcho- >capitalism. After all that reading I was still left >searching for the answer to the question, "How do we make >revolution?" > >When I first came around Workers World Party in New York, I >was still resistant to Marxism. I was certainly willing to >participate in all the demonstrations and to help organize, >but I was nearly convinced that a communist organization >couldn't possibly be as militant a fight-back group as my >anarchist circle was. > >Wow, was I wrong! > >One thing that attracted me to anarchism was its opposition >to government control. Hearing the word "dictatorship"--as >in dictatorship of the proletariat--and thinking it could >have anything other than oppressive implications was too >much to grasp. > >I've learned that the dictatorship of the proletariat is >oppressive in that those who are oppressed under capitalism >and imperialism will take power from the ruling class, >defend the revolution by any means necessary and oppress any >counter-revolutionary opposition. > >And I've learned that the socialist state will most >definitely exert the necessary power over the racist, >homophobic ruling class to smash the capitalist state >forever. > >Another aspect of anarchism that really appealed to me was >its anti-authoritarian stance. Until I came to Workers World >Party, leaders equaled authority figures equaled abusers in >my life. I have learned that leadership in this Party is >something that is demonstrated in action by those who give >their entire lives to the struggle. > >I've also learned the invaluable difference between >consensus and democratic centralism. > >I surely am not dazed and confused into believing that the >Party is perfect in any way. Yet in WWP I have found a solid >foundation on which I am confident the revolution is already >being built. I love this Party and I dedicate my whole life >to it. > >- END - > >(Copyleft Workers World Service: Everyone is permitted to >copy and distribute verbatim copies of this document, but >changing it is not allowed. For more information contact >Workers World, 55 W. 17 St., NY, NY 10011; via e-mail: >[EMAIL PROTECTED] For subscription info send message to: >[EMAIL PROTECTED] Web: http://www.workers.org) > > > > > > _______________________________________________________ KOMINFORM P.O. 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