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----- Original Message ----- 
From: Downwithcapitalism <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Sent: Tuesday, May 15, 2001 5:42 AM
Subject: [downwithcapitalism] FW: 'Free' market - theirs and ours



Washington Post. 15 May 2001. Farmers in Turkey Put Their Village Up For
Sale. Excerpts.


CALLI, Turkey ? For sale: Quaint Turkish village, 112 baked mud homes,
24,000 acres farmland, one mosque, one schoolhouse, disappearing way of
life, $1.2 million. Cash only.

In the lime green hills of Turkey's northeastern Anatolian plateau, this
is what the farmers' plight has come to. They are hounded by debtors
they cannot pay. Their tractors sit idle because most owners are too
broke to buy the diesel fuel to run them. Their wheat fields are ablaze
with yellow flowering weeds for lack of money to purchase herbicides.

And now, for the first time in the quarter-century history of the state
Agriculture Credit Cooperative, local farmers are receiving warning
notices in the mail ? pay up or the state will take your land, your
tractor, your belongings, or perhaps, send you to prison.

After decades in which a beneficent government routinely forgave debts
and ladled out subsidies, Calli and hundreds of other farm hamlets are
struggling with Turkey's new get-tough efforts to salvage the nation's
collapsing economy and appease international moneylenders.

"We have to make our voices heard," said Ahmet Erdogan, 52, a member of
the village's elected council which hatched the desperate publicity
stunt of putting Calli and 10 other nearby villages up for sale. (There
have been no takers.)

"The state is like a big hammer banging on us. The situation is so hard
for everyone. We have people who haven't had a vegetable in their
kitchen for six months."

In the last half-dozen years, more than a third of Calli's families have
locked their doors and deserted their farms for the cities, a trend that
is emptying villages across Turkey.

[N.B.] In less than half a century, Turkey has changed from a country
where three-quarters of the population lived in rural areas to one where
three-quarters are in cities, making it one of the world's most rapidly
urbanizing nations.

The story of Calli exemplifies the kind of government policies that
helped push Turkey into the financial abyss that threatens its economic,
political and social stability. It also demonstrates vividly why it will
be so difficult for this strategic U.S. and NATO ally to impose the
reforms considered critical to its survival as a reliable political
partner and credible player in the global marketplace.

In the past 16 years, the government has bailed out farmers with five
separate amnesty programs. As a result, the single largest debtor of the
Agriculture Credit Cooperative that serves Calli and surrounding
villages is the government itself, which owes the association nearly $30
million for the debt it has forgiven member farmers.

In an effort to pull Turkey out of its quagmire of debt ? which extends
across virtually every sector of the economy from small businesses to
industrial giants ? the International Monetary Fund recently approved a
$10 billion loan package, demanding in return that Turkey reform its
antiquated financial system. As it has in other developing nations it
has assisted, the IMF has argued that the short-term pain to farmers and
others is necessary to restore faith in the economy, both at home and in
the international marketplace.

"The era of cheap populism has ended in Turkey," the country's new
economic minister, Kemal Dervis, recently told his cabinet colleagues.
"We should all tighten our belts."


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New York Times. 15 May 2001. Far From Dead, Subsidies Fuel Big Farms.
Excerpts.


DALHART, Tex.  By any measure, Lanny Bezner is a successful family
farmer. His eldest son, John, rides herd over his cattle, spread out on
pastureland from here to nearby New Mexico. A younger son, Brian, looks
after the farm's heavily irrigated cornfields, with help from the
husband of Mr. Bezner's daughter, Virginia.

As a Texas patriarch, Mr. Bezner rigorously sticks to the principle that
economy of scale is the only way to survive in modern farming. The
bigger the farm, the better likelihood of turning a profit, he says.

By buying adjacent fields, he has expanded his cropland from its
original 700 acres to more than 8,000. In five years he has doubled his
grazing land by leasing 90,000 acres of pasture. He owns a fleet of
tractors and heavy farm equipment; he fills their tanks with fuel from
his own gas pumps. He dries and stores his harvest in his own imposing
grain elevators, which hold more than a million bushels of corn.

Surveying the farm that he carved out in the Panhandle landscape of dry
mesquite and sagebrush, Mr. Bezner says the key to his family's
prosperity is federal farm subsidies.

"We're successful primarily because of government help," said Mr.
Bezner, 59, an entomologist who grew up on a farm outside Amarillo.

Although Mr. Bezner hesitated to discuss the size of those subsidies
(and refused to divulge how much he makes without federal help, or what
his expenses are), government documents show that in the last four years
of the 1990's, he received $1.38 million in direct federal payments.

Most remarkably, Mr. Bezner and the other big farmers here in Hartley
County and across the country received those record-breaking payments in
an era when farm subsidies were slated for extinction.

Under the Freedom to Farm Act of 1996, swept up in the language of the
Republican revolution under Speaker Newt Gingrich, farmers who planted
row crops  corn, wheat, soybeans, rice or cotton  were freed from
government production controls. In exchange for being able to plant what
they wanted, they were told, they would have their subsidies gradually
phased out.

While farmers embraced their new freedom to decide what to plant, they
balked at accepting the rigors of the free market. When prices for their
crops held stagnant and their costs rose, farmers lobbied Congress for
"emergency" payments.

Their friends in Congress relented.

Instead of diminishing, the subsidies have nearly tripled with steep
emergency payments that reached $22 billion last year, according to
Keith Collins, the top economist at the Agriculture Department.

Supporters of farm subsidies, which were enacted in the Depression,
argue that they are needed to save the family farm. But government
documents indicate that the prime beneficiaries hardly fit the image of
small, hardscrabble farmers. Because eligibility is based on acreage
planted with subsidized crops in the past, the farmers who have the
biggest spreads benefit the most, according to the Environmental Working
Group, a nonprofit advocacy organization that obtained government
records of farm subsidies through the Freedom of Information Act.

"The data shows that government subsidies are tilting the playing field
in favor of the largest farms," said Clark Williams-Derry, the senior
analyst at the Environmental Working Group who created a national
database of subsidies.

Mr. Bezner makes no apologies for accepting the money. To his mind,
government subsidies help the American consumer by making sure grocery
stores are stocked with inexpensive food. "That government money is
keeping cheap cereal on the shelves in New York City," he said.
















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