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----- Original Message ----- 
From: Rick Rozoff <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Sent: Sunday, May 27, 2001 3:49 PM
Subject: Resistance Grows To EU/NATO Not So New Order [STOPNATO.ORG.UK]


STOP NATO: NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.ORG.UK

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[The resemblance between the current situation and
Europe's last attempt  - fifty years ago - to impose
what three parties in the Irish parliament recently
referred to as a European military super-state leaps
to the eye.
But this feature is from the Chicago Tribune, which
not only beat the drums for war against Yugoslavia
early in 1999, but after the war turned its guns on
Greece, warning the latter country it could be next.
So the spin is that any romantic backnumbers who still
prefer democratic control at home to subordination to
nameless, faceless, unelected Euro/NATO-crats in
Brussels is a museum piece marked for extinction,
historically if not literally. But what the people of
the affected region think about this is worth noting.]

The Chicago Tribune
Support dwindling in Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland 
By Tom Hundley 
Tribune foreign correspondent 
May 27, 2001 
PRAGUE, Czech Republic --  The Poles worry that
wealthy Germans will come in and buy up all the choice
real estate.
Hungarians fear that strict immigration controls will
force them to seal their borders against more than 3
million ethnic Hungarians who live outside the
country.
Czechs are concerned that the European Union's finicky
health and hygiene regulations will ruin the beer.
Enthusiasm for joining the European club has dampened
considerably in the three countries widely regarded as
front-runners for EU membership sometime in the middle
of this decade.
In the Czech Republic, opinion surveys indicate that
support for joining the EU has dipped below 50
percent, while opposition has grown to 25 percent.
Opposition is strongest in Poland, where 30 percent
now say the country would be better off without the
EU.
Eagerness to join gone
This is a startling turnaround from the days
immediately after the collapse of communism, when
Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic were tripping
over each other trying to be first in line for
membership in NATO and the EU.
All three were accepted into NATO in 1999, which went
a long way toward satisfying their need to sever the
psychological ties with the former Soviet Union and
relink with Western Europe. Joining the EU, with its
reams of regulations and rigorous economic benchmarks,
suddenly does not seem quite so urgent as it once did.
Political leaders in each of the candidate
countries--a group that also includes Slovenia,
Slovakia and the three Baltic states--remain firmly
committed to the principle of EU accession.
But Gustav Molnar, a political analyst with the Laszlo
Teleki Institute, a Budapest think tank, notes a
worrisome disconnect between what politicians are
saying and what is happening on the ground.
Opinion vs. politics
"There is a growing gap between public opinion and the
political class," he said. "The Poles and the Czechs
are the most skeptical, perhaps because of their
historic fear of German domination. The problem in
Hungary is that most of our politicians have this
rather outdated idea that the union is a collection of
nation-states. They don't realize how rapidly it's
moving toward a real federal superstate."
The EU's main attraction for the post-communist
countries was always economic. The EU was equated with
Western Europe's prosperity and its higher living
standards.
But now that candidate countries are faced with 80,000
pages of EU laws and regulations that have to be
adopted and enforced, some sectors are beginning to
fear that joining the EU may actually cost them money.
Poland's small farmers, who make up about 20 percent
of the national workforce, are a prime example. Mainly
in the poorer eastern provinces of the country, many
of these farmers still hitch their plows to horses.
They will not be eligible for EU price supports nor
will they be able to compete with the efficient
industrialized farms of Western Europe. When import
barriers come down, they will be faced with ruin.
On the other side of the country, Poles are acutely
aware of the wealth gap between themselves and their
German neighbors.
Wealth gap
Houses and prime agricultural acreage on the Polish
side of the border cost about one-third of what they
would go for on the German side, stirring fears that
Germans will come in and buy back what they lost after
World War II when Poland's borders were shifted
westward.
As a result, the Polish government is asking for an
18-year exemption from the EU rule that allows
citizens of one country to freely buy property in
another. The Czechs, fearing German revanchism in the
Sudetenland, are asking for a similar moratorium.
A more immediate reason for the growing mood of
Euroskepticism, according to Karel Muller, a political
scientist at Prague's Charles University, is that
competition in the free market is turning out to be
far more bruising than most people expected,
especially for those people who came of age in
non-competitive socialist systems.
"We are finding out that we are really very backward,
that we are lagging behind in every respect," Muller
said.
"Only about a third of the businesses here are
competitive by EU standards, and these generate almost
all of our GDP. Another third have no prospects, and
the one-third in the middle are being kept alive for
social reasons," he said.
"The reality is that when foreign companies come here,
they're only interested in hiring people under 30. It
means that half the population is out of the game," he
said.
Another reality is that when the EU extends its
borders eastward, Poland and Hungary will face new
responsibilities for securing Europe's frontiers
against its less fortunate neighbors.
The issue is particularly touchy in Hungary, where
large Hungarian minorities in Ukraine, Romania and
Yugoslavia likely will be stuck on the wrong side of
the prosperity divide for a long time to come.
Despite all the problems, saying no to the EU is not a
realistic option. But that hasn't prevented a few
politicians from trying to cash in on growing anti-EU
sentiment.
Threat to sovereignty?
Vaclav Klaus, the former Czech prime minister and now
leader of the opposition, has called the EU a threat
to Czech sovereignty and frequently ridicules the
"Brussels bureaucracy."
Also, Hungary's brash young prime minister, Viktor
Orban, raised eyebrows last year when he scolded the
EU over its treatment of Austria after Joerg Haider's
far-right Freedom Party was given a role in the
government.
More recently, Orban has spoken of "life outside the
EU," noting that most of the benefits of EU membership
are already available to his country.
Such talk seems to increase during election years, and
Hungary is in one now.
"After four decades of repression, Mr. Orban would
like to reinvent the nationalist attitude," said
Istvan Szent-Ivanyi, an opposition leader. "It appeals
to some voters, but it's not a very bright idea."


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