From: Paul Kneisel <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
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The Internet Anti-Fascist:Friday, 27 July 2001
Vol. 5, Number 58 (#580)
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Action Alerts:
Wales, 11 Aug: Stop the BNP's Red, White, and Blue Festival
Anti-Nazi League, "Oldham Council Betray Holocaust Survivor," 24 Jul 01
Readers On Radio:
Barry Lituchy and Michael (Not Christian) Parenti, "On Macedonian
Events," Radio KPFA net enabled
Web Sites of Interest:
The Freedom Forum
Obituaries:
Yehiel Dinur: Wrote of Auschwitz Life
Book/Movie Reviews:
Julian Jackson, "France: The Dark Years, 1940-1944". reviewed by Mark
Mazower (New York Times), 24 Jul 01
Real Political Correctness:
AP, "Divided federal appeals panel upholds Virginia minute-of-silence
law," 25 Jul 01
Rightwing Quote of the Week:
Sons of Odessa [sic] "We will no longer tolerate spammers in
alt.revisionism!," 26 Jul 01 What's Worth Checking: 5 stories
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ACTION ALERTS:
Stop the Red, White and Blue Festival
Assemble Saturday 11 August 2001, 10am Welshpool Railway Station
The Nazi BNP are hoping to hold a two day "Family Festival" in Powis, North
Wales. What this is in reality is a training school for Nazi thugs.
Nick Griffin is keeping the location a secret because he knows the rally
has raised real anger amongst the people in Powis. They have seen the
effect of the BNP presence in Oldham, Burnley and Bradford and they do not
want the Nazis.
The so called "Red, White and Blue" festival is an excuse for the BNP to
celebrate racist attacks and murders, and deny the fact that millions died
in the Holocaust.
* Contact the ANL if you live in the area and have received any suspicious
bookings for the week-end of 11- 12 August.
* Join the ANL rally to stop the BNP in Welshpool
-- Anti Nazi League
PO Box 2566, London N4 1WJ
Phone: 020 7924 0333
Fax: 020 7924 0313
<www.anl.org.uk>
<[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
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Oldham Council Betray Holocaust Survivor
Anti-Nazi League
24 Jul 01
Holocaust Survivor Leon Greenman was due to speak at the Royton Assembly
Hall on Wednesday 25 July.
Oldham Metropolitan Borough Council have cancelled the booking.
90 year old Leon Greenman was in five concentration camps including
Auschwitz where his wife and 3 year old son were murdered by the Nazis. He
wanted to come to Oldham to talk about his experiences following the shock
vote of 16% for Nick Griffin of the BNP who has a criminal conviction for
producing material denying the Holocaust.
It is an outrage that Oldham Council are not welcoming Leon to Oldham and
providing a room for his meeting.
This has set a precedent that the BNP can set the agenda through fear and
intimidation. Following the move by the council further venues have
refused to allow the meeting including the Pennine Way Hotel.
However Leon remains defiant. He will be holding a press conference
outside Oldham Civic Centre and challenges the Chief Executive, Andrew
Kilburn to meet him tomorrow to explain his actions.
Complain to the Chief Executive on 0161 911 4190.
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READERS ON RADIO:
Barry Lituchy and Michael (Not Christian) Parenti on Macedonian Events
Radio KPFA net enabled via:
<http://www.flashpoints.net/realaudio/fp20010725.ram>
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WEB SITES OF INTEREST:
The Freedom Forum
<http://63.103.5.77/>
"The Freedom Forum is a nonpartisan, international foundation dedicated to
free press, free speech and free spirit for all people. The foundation
focuses on four main priorities: the Newseum, First Amendment freedoms,
newsroom diversity and world press freedom."
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OBITUARIES:
Yehiel Dinur: Wrote of Auschwitz Life
Reuters
24 Jul 01
JERUSALEM -- Yehiel Dinur, 84, a Nazi death-camp survivor who wrote under
the pen name K. Zetnick about "the planet called Auschwitz" and fainted in
front of cameras at the trial of Adolf Eichmann, died of cancer July 17.
The location of his death was not reported.
Mr. Dinur gave perhaps his most compelling account of the Nazi Holocaust at
the 1961 trial in Jerusalem of Eichmann, one of its main architects.
"They went away from me. They always went away from me.... I see them --
they are looking at me," Mr. Dinur said of his fellow inmates at Auschwitz
death camp in Poland, just before he fainted.
His Holocaust writings were some of the first literary forays into the
emotionally charged subject in the early days of the Jewish state, a refuge
for many of the Jewish survivors of Adolf Hitler's "final solution" for
European Jewry.
"His tendency was always to make the man disappear.... What exists is the
witness whose sole purpose is to tell, to testify. His whole life was
dedicated to that testimony," Uri Shavit, publisher of Mr. Dinur's last
printed book, told Israel Radio.
At the Eichmann trial, Mr. Dinur described Auschwitz thusly: "Residents of
that planet had no names. They had no parents and no children.... They
didn't live according to the laws of the world here, and they didn't die."
His books have been translated into more than 20 languages from the
original Yiddish and Hebrew.
Their titles include "Salamandra" (1946); "House of Dolls" (1956), about
the degradation of women in Nazi camps; "Piepel" (1961), on the Holocaust
and children; and "Phoenix Over the Galilee" (1969), on a refugee's life in
Israel.
Mr. Dinur was born to a religious Jewish family in Poland. He survived two
years in Auschwitz before moving to British-mandate Palestine in 1945.
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BOOK/MOVIE REVIEWS:
Julian Jackson's "France: The Dark Years, 1940-1944"
660 pp. New York: Oxford University Press. $35.
reviewed by Mark Mazower
New York Times
24 Jul 01
In 1939 there was only one France. Within a year, Julian Jackson notes, it
had given way to no less than six distinct zones of occupation. Defeat by
the German Army led to the country's territorial division and
administrative disintegration. By 1943 at least three governments claimed
to embody French sovereignty: Marshal Philippe Petain's Vichy, Gen. Charles
de Gaulle's in London and Gen. Henri Giraud's in Algiers. Hardly
surprising, then, that according to President Franklin D. Roosevelt, France
had ceased to exist. In "France: The Dark Years, 1940-1944" Jackson, a
professor of history at the University of Wales, Swansea, charts this story
of the fragmentation and eventual reconstitution of the French nation-
state, emphasizing the various political forces that emerged to speak for
the country, the myths they spun and the visions of national well-being
that held them in thrall.
This book is an exhaustive synthesis of scholarly research, memoirs and
diaries. It is difficult to imagine that anyone else will now feel the need
to bring together in a single volume the mass of material that has been
published over the past half-century on France's wartime experience. What
makes Jackson's account particularly useful is that it traces both the
prewar roots of wartime developments and the postwar reverberations -- the
trials, purges, films and novels. Vichy and the resistance thus emerge
clearly as part of the longer run of French history.
For instance, the contempt for parliamentary democracy widely associated
with Vichy turns out to have been shared by many within the resistance as
well. On questions of population decline, immigration policy and the
welfare state, continuities of ideas, and even personnel, were evident.
Vichy itself was, in Jackson's words, "both legal and legitimate" in its
birth, and in its frequent ministerial changes rather reminiscent of the
system it claimed to have superseded. In fact, the prewar republic was
never formally renounced by Marshal Petain; the "Marseillaise" continued to
be played at official ceremonies (though not in the Occupied Zone). Premier
Pierre Laval's policy of French-German collaboration, Jackson observes,
owed not a little to his precursor, Aristide Briand, and anticipated, in
turn, the postwar Schuman Plan.
The war years also saw the creation of a national police force, a
nationalized film industry and a huge popular expansion of athletics -- all
of which continued after liberation. Far from cutting modernist culture off
at the knees (the notion that modernism fled during the war from a
benighted Europe to a welcoming Manhattan is a myth), wartime France was a
place where
Le Corbusier entertained hopes of architectural renewal and where Picasso
published luxury art books. Seeing the war in this way helps us understand
how Francois Mitterrand, to take but one example among many, could move
smoothly from being a junior civil servant in Vichy to a rising Socialist
star of postwar French politics.
Jackson is good at showing all this, but finds explanation harder. He
stresses that many of these developments had little to do with Vichy
itself, which had difficulty controlling even the institutions and
organizations it deliberately set up. But because his approach is largely
political, Jackson does not spend much time examining the social and
economic forces that were also shaping the country. Consequently, this is
mainly a book about politicians old and new, their ideas, activities and
groupings, to a degree that may exhaust the reader who is not up to speed
on the difference between Briand and Caillaux, or between Darnand, Doriot
and Deat. These men were all important, but we are also introduced to a
multitude of minor figures. Eventually, the accumulated prosopographical
detail swamps truly important events, like the extraordinary exodus during
the summer of 1940, which saw millions of people take to the roads to flee
the German advance. This led "to a total disintegration of social
structures," according to the author, but the consequences of this flight
are not shown.
Jackson, like most of his predecessors in the field, has relatively little
to say about the Germans, British and Americans. Their importance -- no,
their determinative role -- is too obvious to deny. Yet for all the
attention devoted to endless French minor players, major figures who are
not French are kept firmly offstage. Between Goebbels's mischievous
suggestion in 1940 that the Germans would turn France into "a greater
Switzerland, a country of tourism . . . and fashion" and the Nazi
atrocities carried out in 1944 is a story of France as seen and ordered
around by its masters in Berlin. But historians of France remain as
entranced by the mystique of France as the characters they describe. They
write as if the resistance on the one hand and de Gaulle on the other
really did embody France and hold her fate in their hands. Jackson is far
too good a historian really to believe that, but the awful weakness of the
country -- the true profundity of the national humiliation it endured in
these years -- remains veiled by his concentration on what Frenchmen (and
to a much lesser extent Frenchwomen) did. Often, in truth, it did not much
matter.
Describing the liberation, the author eschews generalization for what he
calls a series of microhistories, "departement to departement, valley to
valley, village to village." The kind of approach that, one is told by
experts, should be applied to wines and cheeses is here turned into
historical method. With good reason, to be sure, since national
fragmentation reached its apogee at this point in the war. Nevertheless,
there is a striking contrast between the loving detail given to locale and
region, and Jackson's unwillingness to set France in a broader context.
When he does this, as in a comparison of France and Denmark that points out
the peculiarities of the political settlement that embodied Vichy, the
results are illuminating. Much of what France went through cannot be
understood divorced from the larger picture. Patterns of collaboration and
resistance, German military behavior, ideas about the future -- all of
these ran across the borders of Hitler's New Order.
This book bears impressive testimony to the depth of France's postwar
conversation with itself about what it endured during the war, but it
brings out as well the introverted, even provincial, character of that
conversation. At the beginning of the 21st century, it is still hard for
European historians to see themselves, and their subject, as part of
something called Europe.
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REAL POLITICAL CORRECTNESS:
It's from the rightwing authoritarians and always has been
Divided federal appeals panel upholds Virginia minute-of-silence law
AP
25 Jul 01
RICHMOND, Va. -- A Virginia law that says public school students can pray
during a mandatory minute of silence does not violate the U.S.
Constitution's ban on government-sponsored religion, a federal appeals
court panel ruled yesterday.
In a 2-1 decision in Brown v. Gilmore,, the 4th U.S. Circuit Court of
Appeals panel rejected the American Civil Liberties Union's claim that the
law is a veiled attempt to coerce students to pray.
The law, passed by the 2000 General Assembly, requires schools to open the
day with a minute devoted to meditation, prayer or any other silent
activity. Legislators who supported the law said the goal was to combat
school violence and that prayer had to be listed as an option to preserve
students' right to free exercise of religion.
The appeals panel said the law strikes a constitutionally permissible
balance.
"In establishing a minute of silence, during which students may choose to
pray or to meditate in a silent and nonthreatening manner, Virginia has
introduced at most a minor and nonintrusive accommodation of religion that
does not establish religion," Judge Paul V. Niemeyer wrote in the majority
opinion, which was joined by Judge Karen Williams. "By providing this
moment of silence, the state makes no endorsement of religion."
Judge Robert B. King disagreed.
"The commonwealth contends that there are only secular purposes behind the
Virginia statute, such as instilling calm in the classroom and
accommodating the free exercise of religion," he wrote in a dissenting
opinion. "However, the statute's true aim is clear: to encourage students
to pray."
The law, he wrote, is "repugnant to the Constitution's Establishment Clause
and erodes the separation between church and state."
The appeals court's ruling upheld a decision by U.S. District Judge Claude
M. Hilton of Alexandria. The ACLU, which filed the lawsuit on behalf of
several students and their parents, could either seek a new hearing before
the full appeals court or take the case to the U.S. Supreme Court.
"While this is a disappointing decision, it contains a strong, well-
articulated dissent that could serve as a basis for requesting rehearing by
the full court," said Kent Willis, executive director of the state ACLU.
"But that decision has not been made yet."
State Attorney General Randolph A. Beales called the ruling "a victory for
common sense." One provision of the minute-of-silence law requires the
attorney general to defend any local school districts that are sued over
implementation of the law.
For 24 years, the state had authorized public schools to establish a daily
minute of silence. Only a few had done so before the General Assembly
passed the law making the silent minute mandatory. The law took effect July
1, 2000, and was observed during the last school year.
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RIGHTWING QUOTE OF THE WEEK:
For those who believe that fascism is only a thing of the past
From: "Public <Anonymous_Account>" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Subject: We will no longer tolerate spammers in alt.revisionism!
Newsgroups: alt.revisionism
Date: Thu, 26 Jul 2001 06:09:46 -0500
Message-ID: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Spamming means the flooding of a newsgroup with dozens of messages a day,
or sending messages that are clearly objectionable and factually false in
content. People who engage in this habit are called spammers. The entities
associated with the following posting names are guilty of spamming and will
be dealt with accordingly if they don't stop:
Official list of alt.revisionism spammers
Albrecht Kolthoff
Buck Turgidson
Charles Don Hall
David Gehrig
Eugene Holman
Gord McFee
Hilary Ostrov
Jeffrey G. Brown
Joel Rosenberg
Johann Sebastian Bot
Kenneth McVay
Orac
Patrick L. Humphrey
Philip Mathews
I have sent letters of to all of your ISP's complaining bitterly about your
misuse of this forum and more generally about your behavior in all of its
quantitative and qualitative aspects. Let it be known publicly by all: if
you continue to flood this newsgroup with repetitions of the same posting,
or to make it a forum for anti-German pro-Jewish holocaust propaganda, you
will face traumatic and irreversible professional, financial, and physical
consequences. This is a threat which we are capable of carrying out to the
fullest. We are not concerned with legal niceties, we consider ourselves to
be above the laws of ZOG governments.
We've had enough of your spamming. We give only one warning.
-- Sons of Odessa
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WHAT'S WORTH CHECKING
stories via <ftp://ftp.nyct.net/pub/users/tallpaul/publish/story8/>
Kenneth A. Paulson (First Amendment Center), "Inside the First Amendment --
1970 revisited: The FCC vs. rock 'n' roll," 15 Jul 01, "News that the
Federal Communications Commission has fined a Colorado radio station $7,000
for playing a "clean" version of an Eminem song left me awash in nostalgia.
Yes, I know I should have been outraged or at least filled with
consternation, but I couldn't help but flash back to 1973 and my job as
program director at KCOU, a student-owned radio station at the University
of Missouri. Part of my job was to listen to new records and decide whether
they were appropriate for airplay. KCOU was a new licensee, and we were
uneasy about possible FCC fines for playing songs with profanity or drug
references. This was no small concern. Just three years earlier, Vice
President Spiro Agnew had lashed out at the recording industry for
promoting the 'drug culture'." <2346.txt>
Dennis Neal ([Staunton, Va.] News Leader), "Thought police don't just exist
in science fiction," 14 Jul 01, "A precedent-setting verdict in a legal
case in Columbus, Ohio, should give all of us pause, in spite of its
disgusting context. If that verdict stands, the implications, for both the
First Amendment and personal privacy, are enormous and should disturb all
thinking citizens of our nation. The case involves Brian Dalton, a 22-year-
old man who had previously been found guilty of possessing pornographic
photos of children. Dalton, placed on probation for his offense, found
himself facing a new charge, that of pandering obscenity involving a minor,
when his probation officer discovered a personal journal containing
descriptions of scenes of sexual molestation and torture of three children,
aged 10 and 11, during a routine search. Dalton was sentenced to 10 years
in prison on the new charge." <2347.txt>
Tom Cohen (AP), "Church of God Members Flee Canada," 20 Jul 01,
"Fundamentalist Christians in a southern Ontario town live by the adage,
'Spare the rod and spoil the child.' Now social workers are imposing a
modified version: 'Spare the rod or lose the child.' Seven children in one
family already have been taken from their home by social workers and police
because their parents refused to promise to stop disciplining them with
sticks or straps. Scores of other Church of God worshippers - all women and
children - have left Aylmer, a rural community of 6,000 people about 90
miles southwest of Toronto, for the United States to avoid being asked if
they will continue what they call adherence to biblical teaching, church
officials say. The case pits the fundamentalist beliefs of the Church of
God against the Family and Children's Services child welfare agency that
intervenes when it believes discipline exceeds acceptable limits under
Canadian law." <2348.txt>
Reuters, "Protestant Militia Claims N.Irish Gun Attack," 20 Jul 01, "A pro-
British Protestant militia has claimed responsibility for a gun attack on a
Belfast community center in which children and adults narrowly escaped
injury on Friday. The Red Hand Defenders, a maverick 'loyalist' group that
said it killed a Catholic man on July 4, warned that it considered all
Irish nationalists 'legitimate targets.' Gunmen opened fire on the center's
premises in a Roman Catholic district but caused no injuries even after
firing into a children's after-school project, police and witnesses said.
Police said two gunmen were involved in the attack." <2349.txt>
Jeff Kass (Rocky Mountain News), "Auman case challenges legal minds:
Definition of flight crucial for woman jailed in cop's death," 22 Jul 01,
"Whether Lisl Auman ever walks free may come down to two words: 'immediate
flight.' Auman, 25, is serving life without parole for her role in the 1997
slaying of Denver police officer Bruce VanderJagt. Auman was handcuffed in
the back seat of a police car when a skinhead she had recently met killed
VanderJagt. The 25-year-old skinhead, Matthaeus Jaehnig, then killed
himself with the officer's gun." <2350.txt>
* * * * *
In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. section 107, this material is
distributed without profit or payment to those who have expressed a prior
interest in receiving this information for non-profit research and
educational purposes only.
__________________________________________________________________________
FASCISM:
We have no ethical right to forgive, no historical right to forget.
(No permission required for noncommercial reproduction)
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