From: Rick Rozoff <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Sent: Thursday, August 16, 2001 7:13 AM
Subject: Sharon's War


 http://www.jordantimes.com/Thu/opinion/opinion2.htm
 
 Jordan Times
 August 16, 2001
    
     
 Sharon's war 
 By Michael Jansen 
    
     
ISRAELCAN be expected to make good use of its
 warplanes, tanks and guns during August. No one will
 be watching. US President George Bush, the putative
 peace broker, is not thinking of pursuing a ceasefire:
 He on holiday at his ranch in Crawford, Texas. Other
 world leaders are vacationing in the country or at the
 seaside. Public opinion is asleep on the beach until
 the 1st of September.
 This means Prime Minister Ariel Sharon has a clear two
 weeks to "take out" more key Palestinian targets in
 his all-out war of attrition against the Palestine
 Liberation Organisation (PLO), the Palestinian
 National Authority (PNA) and the Palestinian people.
 
 Make no mistake. Sharon is waging a war. His generals
 have called it a "guerrilla war". He characterises it
 as "active defence." That is a misnomer. Sharon is not
 engaged in defence but offence.
 
 The well-connected and thoughtful Israeli commentator,
 Akiva Eldar, writing in Haaretz on Aug. 7, describes
 Sharon's "strategy" as waging war "without declaring
 war" camouflaged by "all the international peace and
 ceasefire initiatives." Sharon's war aim, says Eldar,
 is to "make a new order next door" by "toppling the
Palestinian National Authority."
 
 In early June commentators of all nationalities were
 expecting Israel to launch a conventional ground and
air offensive against Palestinian self-rule enclaves
 to rout the PNA's security services and police,
 destroy its headquarters and ministries and, perhaps,
reinstall the Israeli military government. Elements of
 one of the Israeli general staff's contingency plans
 were leaked to the authoritative British defence
 publication, Jane's for publication in its less
 authoritative "Foreign Report". World capitals called
 upon Sharon to exercise restraint which he did,
 keeping the plan for a "big bang" in his hip pocket.
 
 Another Israeli analyst, Gideon Levy, who also
 contributes to Ha'aretz, makes the point on Aug. 12,
 that although Israel describes its policy "as being
 one of `restraint', it hasn't restrained itself - it
 has only underplayed the level of violence it
 unleashes." Sharon's "restraint" is, therefore, an
illusion. 
 
 In reality, Sharon has unleashed continuous total
 warfare. 

 By closing down Orient House, Sharon put an end to the
 presence of the PLO in Jerusalem and the occupied
 territories. His aim is to eliminate the notion that
 Palestinians can "liberate" their homeland and to
 finish off the Palestinian dream of an independent
state in the West Bank and Gaza with East Jerusalem as
 its capital. Orient House was the last physical
 vestige of the PLO anywhere. This is why Sharon was as
 eager to occupy Orient House as he was to capture
 Beirut and expel the PLO from Lebanon in 1982. Sharon
 clearly hopes that his occupation of the Orient House
 will, ultimately, bring about the dissolution of what
 remains of the PLO, the sole international
 representative of the Palestinian people.
 
 On the governmental and security level, the Israeli
 army targets the very same PNA installations and
 institutions selected for demolition under the "big
 bang" plan. But they are being taken out piecemeal:
 Sharon is using "salami tactics" rather than the sort
 of blanket assault he used for Lebanon in 1982. While
 he is determined to flatten the physical presence of
 the PNA, he wants its cadres to desert. Specific
 policemen and intelligence officials have been
 eliminated in Israel's assassination campaign,
 undermining the morale of PNA police and security
 agencies. A number of policemen have left PNA units
 and joined Fateh's Tanzim, Hamas and Islamic Jihad.
 
 On the economic plane, Sharon's forces impose strict
 closures on Palestinian enclaves, surround them with
 earthwork barricades and trenches and prevent supplies
 from getting through. The Palestinian economy is at a
 standstill, two-thirds of Palestinians in the West
 Bank and Gaza live below the low Palestinian poverty
 level but must pay high Israeli prices for goods and
 services. 
 
 On the popular plane, Israel has re-asserted its
 control over every aspect of Palestinian life. The
 army sets up checkpoints where Palestinians are
 searched and humiliated as they move from one town or
 village to another in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
 Israel has instituted a reign of terror in the West
 Bank and Gaza. Heavy fingered Israeli soldiers and
 tank and artillery crews shoot at random into
 Palestinian neighbourhoods, killing innocent
 civilians. Snipers take out individual Palestinians
 during demonstrations. Israeli border police and
 soldiers beat Palestinians taking part in pro- tests,
 walking down the street or driving in taxis.
 Palestinians are not safe in their homeland.
 
 So far Sharon has achieved one of his key political
 objectives. He has killed off the Oslo accords which
 he rejected in 1993 and continues to oppose today. The
 international community no longer presses him to
 implement the many provisions Israel failed to honour.
 The release of Palestinian prisoners, the endlessly
 debated "Third Redeployment" (withdrawal) from the
 West Bank, the "safe passage" linking the West Bank to
 Gaza are all forgotten. Now the most the international
community hopes for is an uncertain ceasefire. The
 best deal Sharon is offering, once there is "total
 quiet", is to discuss with the Palestinians "long-term
 interim arrangements".
 
 Sharon's "talking softly but wielding a big stick"
 strategy was not carefully calculated or plotted. It
 evolved from the failed attempt of his predecessor to
 "manage" the Palestinian Intifada. Sharon's "war of
 attrition" is dictated primarily by his personal need
 to be seen by Israel's foreign friends as "restrained"
 and reasonable. Sharon wants to be regarded as a "new
 man" instead of the officer known for "exaggeration"
 and "excess". Sharon also needs to keep the Labour
 Party in his right-dominated coalition because Labour
 - particularly Nobel laureate Foreign Minister Shimon
 Peres - gives the government respectability and
 credibility. Finally, Sharon has to take a tough line
 with the Palestinians to keep his right-wing coalition
 partners and the clamourous settlers who are their
 constituents in line.
 
 So far Sharon has succeeded in prosecuting a total
 campaign of attrition against the Palestinians but
 this does not mean he will, ultimately, win the
 100-year war between Zionism and Palestinian
 nationalism. He cannot win because he is fighting to
 turn the clock back to the days before Oslo in order
 to maintain the occupation and continue the Israeli
 colonisation of the West Bank and Gaza. But his brutal
 little war will be seen in the future as just another
 bloody, costly episode in the epic struggle for
 possession of Palestine. This can only come to an end
 when the Israelis decide to reach a fair settlement
 with the Palestinian people.
 
    

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