This Election Will Change the World. But Not in the Way the Americans 
Imagined
    By Robert Fisk 
    The Independent U.K.
    Saturday 29 January 2005

    Shias are about to inherit Iraq, but the election tomorrow that will bring 
them to power is creating deep fears among the Arab kings and dictators of the 
Middle East that their Sunni leadership is under threat.

    America has insisted on these elections - which will produce a largely Shia 
parliament representing Iraq's largest religious community - because they are 
supposed to provide an exit strategy for embattled US forces, but they seem set 
to change the geopolitical map of the Arab world in ways the Americans could 
never have imagined. For George Bush and Tony Blair this is the law of 
unintended consequences writ large.

    Amid curfews, frontier closures and country-wide travel restrictions, 
voting in Iraq will begin tomorrow under the threat of Osama bin Laden's ruling 
that the poll represents an "apostasy". Voting started among expatriate Iraqis 
yesterday in Britain, the US, Sweden, Syria and other countries, but the 
turnout was much smaller than expected.

    The Americans have talked up the possibility of massive bloodshed tomorrow 
and US intelligence authorities have warned embassy staff in Baghdad that 
insurgents may have been "saving up" suicide bombers for mass attacks on 
polling stations.

    But outside Iraq, Arab leaders are talking of a Shia "Crescent" that will 
run from Iran through Iraq to Lebanon via Syria, whose Alawite leadership forms 
a branch of Shia Islam. The underdogs of the Middle East, repressed under the 
Ottomans, the British and then the pro-Western dictators of the region, will be 
a new and potent political force.

    While Shia political parties in Iraq have promised that they will not 
demand an Islamic republic - their speeches suggest that they have no desire to 
recreate the Iranian revolution in their country - their inevitable victory in 
an election that Iraq's Sunnis will largely boycott mean that this country will 
become the first Arab nation to be led by Shias.

    On the surface, this may not be apparent; Iyad Allawi, the former CIA agent 
and current Shia "interim" Prime Minister, is widely tipped as the only viable 
choice for the next prime minister - but the kings and emirs of the Gulf are 
facing the prospect with trepidation.

    In Bahrain, a Sunni monarchy rules over a Shia majority that staged a 
mini-insurrection in the 1990s. Saudi Arabia has long treated its Shia minority 
with suspicion and repression.

    In the Arab world, they say that God favoured the Shia with oil. Shias live 
above the richest oil reserves in Saudi Arabia and upon some of the Kuwaiti oil 
fields. Apart from Mosul, Iraqi Shias live almost exclusively amid their own 
country's massive oil fields. Iran's oil wealth is controlled by the country's 
overwhelming Shia majority.

    What does all this presage for the Sunni potentates of the Arabian 
peninsula? Iraq's new national assembly and the next interim government it 
selects will empower Shias throughout the region, inviting them to question why 
they too cannot be given a fair share of their country's decision-making.

    The Americans originally feared that parliamentary elections in Iraq would 
create a Shia Islamic republic and made inevitable - and unnecessary - warnings 
to Iran not to interfere in Iraq. But now they are far more frightened that 
without elections the 60 per cent Shia community would join the Sunni 
insurgency.

    Tomorrow's poll is thus, for the Americans, a means to an end, a way of 
claiming that - while Iraq may not have become the stable, liberal democracy 
they claimed they would create - it has started its journey on the way to 
Western-style freedom and that American forces can leave.

    Few in Iraq believe that these elections will end the insurgency, let alone 
bring peace and stability. By holding the poll now - when the Shias, who are 
not fighting the Americans, are voting while the Sunnis, who are fighting the 
Americans, are not - the elections can only sharpen the divisions between the 
country's two largest communities.

    While Washington had clearly not envisaged the results of its invasion in 
this way, its demand for "democracy" is now moving the tectonic plates of the 
Middle East in a new and uncertain direction. The Arab states outside the Shia 
"Crescent" fear Shia political power even more than they are frightened by 
genuine democracy.

    No wonder, then, King Abdullah of Jordan is warning that this could 
destabilise the Gulf and pose a "challenge" to the United States. This may also 
account for the tolerant attitude of Jordan towards the insurgency, many of 
whose leaders freely cross the border with Iraq.

    The American claim that they move secretly from Syria into Iraq appears 
largely false; the men who run the rebellion against US rule in Iraq are not 
likely to smuggle themselves across the Syrian-Iraqi desert when they can 
travel "legally" across the Jordanian border.

    Tomorrow's election may be bloody. It may well produce a parliament so 
top-heavy with Shia candidates that the Americans will be tempted to "top up" 
the Sunni assembly members by choosing some of their own, who will inevitably 
be accused of collaboration. But it will establish Shia power in Iraq - and in 
the wider Arab world - for the first time since the great split between Sunnis 
and Shias that followed the death of the Prophet Muhammad. 

*** 

"Sadr's Subtle Defiance of 'Demonstration Elections'" (The January 
30, 2005 elections in Iraq are the textbook definition of 
"demonstration elections."  Unlike Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, 
who issued "a fatwa saying all Shiia men and women have an obligation 
to vote in the upcoming election," the Moktada al-Sadr faction 
"uttered not a single word about the vote" at Friday Prayers, 
according to the New York Times, foreshadowing "a less than 
overwhelming voter turnout in many parts of Iraq."  The Times, doing 
a job expected of the corporate media in "demonstration elections," 
industriously tries to create an impression that the Sadr faction are 
against democracy itself, solely by virtue of their quiet refusal to 
browbeat their "vast following" into embracing the elections on the 
30th.  Needless to say, the idea that it is people's right to 
evaluate whether or not an election is free, fair, and democratic and 
that boycotting an unfree, unfair, and undemocratic election is a 
time-honored tactic of democrats everywhere is unspeakable in the 
corporate media) -- FULL TEXT: 
<http://montages.blogspot.com/2005/01/sadrs-subtle-defiance-of-demonstration.html>.
-- 
Yoshie
 

***

    Iraqi President Says Most Iraqis Won't Vote
    Reuters

    Saturday 29 January 2005

    BAGHDAD - Iraq's president said on Saturday he expected violence to deter 
the majority of Iraqis from voting in Sunday's landmark election. 

    "What we hope is that most Iraqis will take part in the election, but we 
know that the majority will not because of the security situation," President 
Ghazi al-Yawar told reporters. 

    "The majority will decide not to take part, not because they are boycotting 
the election, but because of the security situation," said Yawar, a Sunni 
Muslim Arab. 

    There has been a sharp increase in violence, including car bomb blasts, 
mortar attacks and shootings, this week as polling day approaches. The U.S. 
military said attacks on U.S. and Iraqi troops had trebled in the past seven 
days. 

    Yawar's remarks contrasted with an appeal by interim Prime Minister Iyad 
Allawi for all Iraqis to defy violence and vote. 

    "I ask them to participate in the elections whether they are inside or 
outside Iraq: Sunnis, Shi'ites, Kurds, Christians," Allawi told Sky television 
in Baghdad. An estimated 14 million Iraqis are eligible to vote on Sunday in 
Iraq's first multi-party election since the 1950s. 

    Insurgent groups, particularly the organization headed by Jordanian 
militant Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, have vowed to disrupt voting and stop people 
from going to polling centers. 

    Around 6,000 polling centers have been set up around Iraq, but the location 
of many is being kept secret until the last minute to minimize the risk that 
they will be bombed. 

    Turnout is expected to be low in Sunni Arab areas, where the insurgency 
gripping Iraq for nearly two years is focused. The government has said it hopes 
for a national turnout of around 50 percent. 

    Yawar, whose position is mainly ceremonial, also said any political process 
that did not include Sunnis, Kurds and Shi'ites, Iraq's three main religious 
and ethnic groups, would be invalid. 

    Shi'ites, who make up about 60 percent of Iraq's population and were 
oppressed during Saddam Hussein (news - web sites)'s rule, are widely expected 
to dominate the polls. 

*** 

    Survey Finds Deep Divisions in Iraq 
    Zogby International | Press Release

    Friday 28 January 2005

Sunni Arabs overwhelmingly reject Sunday elections; majority of Sunnis, Shiites 
favor U.S. Withdrawal, New Abu Dhabi TV / Zogby poll reveals.

     Iraq's Sunday elections will be held against a backdrop of deep division 
between the country's ethnic groups, with an overwhelming majority of Sunni 
Arabs refusing to vote in the January 30 elections, a new Abu Dhabi TV/Zogby 
International poll finds. The poll also finds majorities of both Iraq's Shiites 
and Sunnis calling for a rapid withdrawal of U.S. forces from their soil. Zogby 
International polled 805 Iraqi adults from January 19 to 23, 2005 on behalf of 
television broadcaster Abu Dhabi TV. The margin of error is +/- 3.6 percentage 
points.

    The survey, to be released at 5 p.m. ET on Abu Dhabi Television, found 
three-quarters (76%) of Sunni Arabs say they definitely will not vote in the 
January 30 elections, while just 9% say they are likely to vote. A majority of 
Shiites (80%) say they are likely to vote or definitely will vote, as are a 
smaller majority of Kurds (57%).

    Majorities of both Sunni Arabs (82%) and Shiites (69%) also favor U.S. 
forces withdrawing either immediately or after an elected government is in 
place.

    The poll also found that of Iraq's ethnic and religious groups, only the 
Kurds believe the U.S. will help Iraq over the next five years, while half 
(49%) of Shiites and a majority (64%) of Sunni Arabs believe the U.S. will hurt 
Iraq.

    There are deep divisions that exist, "divisions that are so deep and 
pronounced that this election, instead of bringing people together, may very 
well tear them apart," said Dr. James Zogby, an analyst for Zogby International 
and host of Abu Dhabi TV's "Viewpoint". The closest thing to this in America 
isn't red and blue states. It's probably the election of 1860.

    The poll also finds that, while a majority of Shiites (84%) and Kurds (64%) 
wish to hold the elections Sunday as planned, Sunni Arabs overwhelmingly favor 
delaying the vote (62%). 

    What's truly alarming isn't the number of Sunni Arabs who want to delay 
Sunday's vote, Zogby said. What's alarming is that more than half, 53% in this 
survey, believe that ongoing attacks in Iraq are a legitimate form of 
resistance. With this group already boycotting the election, this makes for a 
very violent combination. 

    Only the Kurds seem to favor a continued U.S. presence, and are likely to 
outright reject violent resistance, Zogby added. 

    The survey also asked Iraqis which nations they believed it was possible to 
foster improved relations with. While a majority of Iraqis believe relations 
can be improved between Iraq and neighbors Kuwait, Turkey, and Iran, all ethnic 
and religious groups overwhelmingly rejected improving relations with the State 
of Israel. 

    Iraqis do not desire to remake their country in the image of neighboring 
Iran, however. Three-in-five (59%) favor a system where citizens are allowed to 
practice their own religion, while one-in-three (34%) would prefer an Islamic 
government.

    The survey was conducted throughout Iraq, including the cities of Baghdad, 
Hilla, Karbala and Kirkuk, as well as the Mohafazat (provinces) of Diala and 
Anbar. 

    Abu Dhabi TV/Zogby International conducted interviews of 805 Iraqis. Field 
work dates were from 1/19/05 thru 1/23/05. The margin of error is +/- 3.6 
percentage points. Slight weights were added to education, ethnicity, religion, 
gender to more accurately reflect the population. Margins of error are higher 
in sub-groups.

 


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