Features: Vienna and Chicago: A Tale of Two  Schools
By Mark Skousen

Dr. Skousen is an  economist at Rollins College, Department of Economics, 
Rollins College, Winter  Park, Florida 32789, a Forbes columnist, and editor of 
Forecasts &  Strategies. He is also the author of Economics on Trial (Irwin, 
1993), a review  of the top ten textbooks in economics. He is currently working 
on his own  textbook, Economic Logic. 

“Austrian economics has been important to the  development


of modern economics, but its  role in current


practice is much diminished.”


—Sherwin  Rosen, University of Chicago[_1_ 
(http://www.fee.org/vnews.php?nid=3963#1) ] 

Since its  inception, the Foundation for Economic Education has been 
associated with two  free-market schools, the Austrian school of Ludwig von 
Mises and, 
to a lesser  extent, the Chicago school of Milton Friedman. Mises, after 
leaving Vienna for  New York City, was closely involved with Leonard Read, 
FEE’s 
founder. He spoke  frequently at FEE’s headquarters in Irvington-on-Hudson, and 
wrote regularly for  The Freeman. 

Read also developed a relationship with Friedman,  who along with University 
of Chicago colleague George Stigler, wrote one of  FEE’s earliest 
publications. “Roofs or Ceilings?,” published in September 1946,  contended 
that postwar 
rent controls were counterproductive and should be  removed. The FEE pamphlet 
was highly controversial at the time and was attacked  on both sides of the 
political spectrum. Ayn Rand labeled the pamphlet  “collectivist propaganda” 
and “the most pernicious thing ever issued by an  avowedly conservative 
organization” because the economists favored lifting rent  controls on 
practical, 
humanitarian grounds, not in defense of “the inalienable  right of landlords 
and 
property owners.”[_2_ (http://www.fee.org/vnews.php?nid=3963#2) ] 

In a highly  negative review in the American Economic Review, Robert Bangs 
assailed  Friedman and Stigler, declaring, “Removal of rent controls now would 
not solve  the housing problem, but it could easily contribute to a worsening  
inequality.”[_3_ (http://www.fee.org/vnews.php?nid=3963#3) ]  

Both the Austrian and Chicago schools of free-market economics were  
decidedly unpopular at the beginning of the postwar period, but now, a  
generation 
later, their views are represented in almost all textbooks and  economics 
departments. 

Why Has the Chicago School  Gained So Much Influence? 

The Chicago school, led by Milton  Friedman, has especially gained 
recognition among professional economists.  Followers of the Chicago school 
have won a 
dozen Nobel Prizes in economics since  the award’s inception in 1969. 

Why has the Chicago school been more  successful than the Austrian school? 
Both favor private enterprise, low taxes,  minimal government, free markets, 
and 
sound money. Although differing on  methodology and occasionally on policy 
(e.g., the Austrians support either free  banking or a gold standard while the 
Chicago monetarists advocate a controlled  fiat money policy), they have more 
in common than not. Both Mises and Friedman  were founding members of the Mont 
Pelerin Society. It is too bad that the  Misesians and the Friedmanites 
usually see one another’s philosophies as  competitive rather than 
complementary. 

The  Advantages of Empirical Work 

Historically, Friedman and his  followers have taken a different road from 
the Austrians. They stress  quantitative empirical work to test their theories. 
They also published more of  their findings in the professional journals and 
with well-known university  presses. They see themselves as inside the 
profession. The results were so  remarkable that they gradually caught the 
attention 
of the rest of the  discipline. Take, for example, Milton Friedman’s 
(coauthored with Anna J.  Schwartz) monumental Monetary History of the United 
States, 
1867-1960, a  study sponsored by the National Bureau of Economic Research and 
published by  Princeton University Press in 1963. With meticulous research, he 
demonstrated  how the Federal Reserve allowed the money supply to contract by a 
third during  1929-33. His statistical work gave powerful credence to the 
idea that it was  government, not free-enterprise capitalism, that caused the 
Great Depression.  Friedman’s quantitative study did more to restore faith in 
free enterprise than  a thousand sermons on the virtues of economic liberty. 
His 
applied approach was  far more effective in destroying the basic tenets of 
Keynesianism than  philosophical tomes. For these contributions to economics, 
Friedman was awarded  the Nobel Prize in 1976. 

Friedman’s empirical application of his  free-market views has had a wide 
influence on think tanks and practical  politics. The Chilean economic miracle 
(controlling inflation, cutting taxes,  privatizing Social Security) is largely 
a result of the policy recommendations  of the Chicago Boys, economists who 
studied under Friedman. The Cato Institute’s  (and other free-market think 
tanks) focus on case studies is an outgrowth of  Friedman’s research methods. 

The Austrians Take  Another Path 

The Austrians, on the other hand, do not believe  theory can be derived or 
tested empirically. Mises’s method, praxeology, deduced  economic principles 
logically from the axiom that human beings act—that is,  attempt to improve 
their 
circumstances. Austrian economists prefer to state  their theories verbally 
rather than mathematically. (Mises declined to use even  graphs on 
methodological grounds.) Hayek, despite differences over method with  Mises, 
warned that 
economics should not mimic physics. He designed a graphic  presentation of the 
Austrian theory of the business cycle, but offered no  statistical evidence. 
Henry Hazlitt dissected Keynes’s General Theory  with deft and substantive 
arguments, but without quantitative analysis, his  Failure of the “New 
Economics” 
(D. Van Nostrand, 1959) fell on deaf ears.  Israel Kirzner established an 
Austrian center at New York University, but has  limited his analysis to high 
theory. Murray Rothbard used historical data to  illustrate the Austrian theory 
of the business cycle as applied to America’s  Great Depression (D. Van 
Nostrand, 1963). But the skepticism about  mathematics, econometrics, and 
regression 
analysis harmed the standing of the  Austrian school in the eyes of other 
economists. 

The Next Half Century Belongs to . . . 

As we  enter a new millennium, where do we go from here? Management guru 
Peter Drucker  has correctly predicted that the “next economics” must emphasize 
 “
microeconomics” and in particular productivity and capital formation. “
Capital  is the future,” he declares.[_4_ 
(http://www.fee.org/vnews.php?nid=3963#4) 
] In my judgment, the  Austrian school is ideally suited to play this role. 
With its concentration on  entrepreneurship, capital theory, and subjectivism—
the foundations of  microeconomics—Austrian economics has a bright future and 
may even eclipse the  Chicago school, especially if the Chicago school (as 
embodied in the New  Classical and Rational Expectations theories) focuses too 
heavily on tedious  mathematical modeling. 

Recently Austrian economists have engaged in  applied science and case 
studies, applying their theories to organizational  behavior, marketing, 
finance, 
trade, and government policies. Granted,  statistical analysis has its 
limitations, as Hayek pointed out in his  Nobel-Prize lecture, “The Pretence of 
Knowledge,” but that does not validate the  radical subjectivist view (of 
Lachmann 
and others) that nothing is verifiable.  

Examples of Applied Economics by  Austrians 

Recent examples of quantitative and case studies by  economists sympathetic 
to Austrian economics include the privatization efforts  by Madsen Pirie and 
Eamonn Butler of the Adam Smith Institute, the currency  reform measures of 
economist Steve Hanke, and the empirical work of historian  Robert Higgs and 
economists Richard K. Vedder and Lowell Gallaway.[_5_ 
(http://www.fee.org/vnews.php?nid=3963#5) ] George Selgin and  Lawrence White 
have done extensive 
historical work on free banking, both in the  United States and foreign 
countries.[_6_ 
(http://www.fee.org/vnews.php?nid=3963#6) ] 

I applaud  the recent breakthrough empirical work, Economic Freedom of the 
World,  1975-1995 (Cato Institute, 1996), by James D. Gwartney, Robert A. 
Lawson,  and Walter E. Block. The authors, representing both major schools of 
free-market  economics, have demonstrated statistically and graphically a 
strong 
correlation  between economic freedom and the rate of economic growth. Milton 
Friedman, in  the introduction, echoes Mises when he states, “It did not 
require 
the  construction of an index of economic freedom for it to be widely believed 
that  there is a close relation between economic freedom and the level and 
rate of  economic growth.” But Friedman, ever the consummate quantitative 
economist,  contends that a picture is worth a thousand words. “No qualitative 
verbal  description can match the power of that graph,” he concludes.[_7_ 
(http://www.fee.org/vnews.php?nid=3963#7) ] 

As more and  more graduate students with an Austrian bent acquire skills in 
econometrics, I  expect to see advances in applied Austrian business cycle 
theory. Charles  Wainhouse’s doctoral dissertation at NYU was the first to test 
the Austrian  business-cycle theory using time series, and others are following 
in his  footsteps.[_8_ (http://www.fee.org/vnews.php?nid=3963#8) ]  

If Austrians devote most of their energy debating abstractions, I’m  afraid 
they will remain an obscure school preaching only to the choir. As  University 
of Georgia professor Peter G. Klein states, “If Austrians focus on  
metaeconomics, and try to force mainstreamers to rethink abstract issues of  
epistemology, we’ll go nowhere.”[_9_ (http://www.fee.org/vnews.php?nid=3963#9) 
] [] 

 
____________________________________


1.   Sherwin Rosen, “Austrian and  Neoclassical Economics: Any Gains From 
Trade?,” Journal of Economic  Perspectives (Fall, 1997), p. 139. See also 
Leland 
Yeager’s perceptive  response, “Austrian Economics, Neoclassicism, and the 
Market Test,” pp. 153–165.  

2.   Letters of Ayn Rand,  edited by Michael S. Berliner (Dutton, 1995), p. 
326. In these revealing  letters, Rand offered to serve as “unofficial editor” 
for Read’s publications,  but she was turned down. (p. 335). 

3.  Robert Bangs, review of “Roofs or Ceilings?,” American Economic  Review, 
June, 1947, pp. 482-3. 

4.  Peter Drucker, Toward the Next Economics and Other Essays (Harper  & Row, 
1981), p. 10. 

5.    Robert Higgs, “Wartime Prosperity? A Reassessment of the U.S. Economy 
in the  1940s,” The Journal of Economic History (March 1992), pp. 41–60; 
Richard  K. Vedder and Lowell Gallaway, Out of Work (Holmes & Meier, 1993).  
Also 
see their article, “The Great Depression of 1946,” Review of Austrian  
Economics 5:2 (1991), pp. 3–31. 

6.  See, for example, Lawrence H. White, Free Banking in Britain  (Cambridge 
University Press, 1984); George A. Selgin, The Theory of Free  Banking (Rowman 
& Littlefield, 1988) and Selgin, Banking Deregulation  and Monetary Order 
(Routledge, 1996). 

7.   Milton Friedman, “Foreword,” Economic Freedom of the World,  1975–1995, 
by James D. Gwartney, Robert A. Lawson, and Walter E. Block (Cato  Institute, 
1996), pp. vii–viii. 

8.  Charles E. Wainhouse, Hayek’s Theory of the Trade Cycle: The Evidence  
from the Time Series, Ph.D. dissertation, New York University, 1984. See  also 
William A. Butos, “The Recession and Austrian Business Cycle Theory: An  
Empirical Perspective,” Critical Review 7:2–3 (1993), pp. 277–306, and  Mark 
Skousen, The Structure of Production (New York University Press,  1990). 

9.   Interview in  Austrian Economics Newsletter (Mises Institute, Winter, 
1995), p.  7.



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