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On 6/29/15 5:11 PM, Lüko Willms via Marxism wrote:
I would say that Israel is really taking sides.
I have shied away from this thread but at a certain point when the
stupidity becomes so palpable I must butt in.
Do you think that if Israel really sought to back anti-Assad rebels, it
would avoid taking the measures that would make them effective? Even if
it was nursing al-Nusra fighters back to health in Israeli hospitals,
don't you think that it would be more cost-effective to arm them with
MANPAD's that could bring down the Baathist MIG's that are bombing the
shit out of them on a daily basis?
I know that Joseph Catron is probably too young to have a grasp of
Israel's role around the time he was 2 years old but when Israel decides
to throw its weight behind a guerrilla group to be perceived to be
acting in its own interest, there's no mistaking the difference that makes.
A brief search on Google reminds me of the filthy record:
http://www.thirdworldtraveler.com/Middle_East/Israel_SAfrica.html:
In May 1986, South Africa demonstrated that it had assumed the right to
attack its neighbors at a time and on a pretext of its own choosing. The
chosen time was during a visit by the Eminent Persons Group of the
Commonwealth of Nations, which was attempting to establish negotiations
between the apartheid regime and its opposition. The victims-Zambia,
Botswana and Zimbabwe, all Commonwealth members-were chosen for their
alleged harboring of "terrorists"; the real victims were South African
exiles and an employee of the government of Botswana. The South Africans
said they had attacked "international terrorism" and compared their
raids to the Israeli attack on Tunisia and the U.S. attack on Libya in
April 1986.
The attack was similar in style to Israel's 1985 attack on Tunisia.
Initially, the Israelis had been threatening Jordan and perhaps because
King Hussein of Jordan was at the time on an official visit to the U.S.,
the Israelis chose to take revenge for the killing of three Israelis
(believed to be top Mossad agents) in Larnaca, Cyprus on the PLO in Tunisia.
Two weeks after its three-pronged attack on its Commonwealth neighbors,
South Africa attacked the Angolan harbor of Namibia, firing their
version of the Israeli Gabriel missile.
Israel has also been connected with the mercenary forces deployed by
South Africa against Angola and Mozambique. In the 1970s Israel aided
the FNLA (Angolan National Liberation Front) proxy forces organized and
trained by the CIA to forestall the formation of a government led by the
MPLA (Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola-now the ruling party
of Angola). John Stockwell, who ran the CIA operation against Angola,
recollected three arms shipments Israel made in cooperation with the
CIA: a plane full of 120 mm shells sent via Zaire to the FNLA and Unita;
a shipment of 50 SA-7 missiles (all of which were duds); a boat-load
sent to neighboring Zaire in a deal that the Israelis had worked out
with President Mobutu, even though the Zairian strong man had broken
ties with Israel two years earlier.
When Israel reestablished relations with Zaire (in 1982) and began to
train Zairian forces in the Shaba border province, Angola had cause for
concern. The leader of the FNLA had been Holden Roberto, brother-in-law
of Zairian president Mobutu, Israel's new client. In 1986, it would be
established that Zaire acted as a funnel for "covert" U.S. military aid
for the Unita forces of Jonas Savimbi.
In 1983, the Angolan News Agency reported that Israeli military experts
were training Unita forces in Namibia. Since Zaire began receiving
military aid and training from Tel Aviv, Angola has been ill at ease.
Its worries increased after discovering that:
Israeli Defense Minister Ariel Sharon was personally involved in the
organization, training and equipping of "commando" units of the army of
Zaire, especially organized for missions along the borders of the RPA
[Angola].
In 1984, the Financial Times (London) wrote of "joint Israeli-South
African support for Unita forces." Other sources also report the
transfer of Israeli arms and financial support to Unita.
http://www.thirdworldtraveler.com/Israel/CAmer_Experience_ILAMC.html
With the exception of Nicaragua, which has purchased n1 weapons from
Israel since the overthrow of the Somoza government, all the countries
of the region are important clients and have signed military agreements
with Israel. At the end of 1982, the New York Times quoted U. S.
officials as saying that Israel was the largest supplier of infantry
equipment to El Salvador and Guatemala, and had a "comparable role" in
Honduras and Costa Rica.' Israel's role in the region goes beyond the
provision of weapons and military communications and electronics
equipment to include a broad range of military assistance, such as
training, counterinsurgency and intelligence advice, and
military-agricultural development projects based on the Nahal-type
projects of the 1960s. Moreover, Israeli-Central American military ties
are fraught with a political significance which by and large has been
lacking elsewhere in Latin America.
Perhaps as a result of Israel's importance as a supplier, the
governments of Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador, and Costa Rica have
been more forthcoming in their support of Israel than those of any other
region. Guatemala, like Nicaragua under Somoza, has not supported a
single UN resolution critical of Israel; Honduras has supported only
four, and El Salvador and Costa Rica seven (Venezuela and Peru each
supported eighteen anti-Israeli votes; Argentina 14; Mexico 13; Brazil
and Bolivia 11 each; and Ecuador, 10). All the Central American states
except Guatemala voted for the 1980 UN resolution condemning Israel's
"Basic Law of Jerusalem" and subsequently moved their embassies from
Jerusalem to Tel Aviv. Honduras, Costa Rica, and El Salvador, however,
returned their embassies to Jerusalem several years later. The only
countries to have done so, they incurred the anger of the Arab states.
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