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Yes Andy, well that's the test isn't it. If the radical people's
revolution as it claims to be - and is no doubt partly true - can't seem
to inspire anyone outside the regions they control, then that needs
analysis. For one thing, we are aware of the real life restrictions on
the Rojova revolution (as on the rest of the revolution). The PYD runs a
one-party state, it arrests and jails oppositionists, it bans newspapers
(eg Rudaw) etc. It does not engage in ethnic cleansing in the systematic
sense but the allegations about less-systematic uprooting villagers and
destroying property are widespread enough.
But much as we could debate all that (how much are restrictions imposed
by the situation etc, again, as with the rest of the revolution), the
alliance with US and Russian imperialism is more fundamental. Of course
I agree that we shouldn't attack them, or invalidate their own
revolution, simply because they get massive military aid from the US
(and I have never done that; and never mind that many Rojava-Firsters do
precisely that to the FSA/rebels due to the comparatively insignificant
US aid they sometimes get). But there is aid and aid. There is defence
and there is offence. US aid for the defence of Kobani was existential.
The ongoing war however is another thing. Sure, despite the US alliance,
of course we still prefer victories of SDF over ISIS tyranny, that is a
given. But at what point does systematic alliance become a political
problem? Clearly, anyone can see there are dangers.
Here's the thing: their supporters talk about "extending the
revolution." Yet every extension of the borders of Rojava has been a
military extension with the direct aid of US imperialism, air strikes,
special forces etc. Can a radical democratic revolution really be
extended that way? Even of we leave aside the widespread allegations of
abuses, what of the fact that these US bombings kill lots of civilians?
The US bombs killed 200 civilians on the way into Manbij. I'm sure the
people are happy to see the back of Daesh. But how do these bombings and
killings affect the reception of the YPG/SDF? I don't know for sure, but
it seems to me a problem. Certainly the underground anti-ISIS group
'Raqqa is being Slaughtered Silently' continually reports both on the
terror unleashed by US bombing, and on widespread distrust of the YPG.
They are anything but ISIS tools. And all that is before we even come to
last year's alliance with Russian imperialism in the conquest not of
ISIS territory, but of rebel territory, north of Aleppo city, which cut
the city off from Azaz, Mare and the Turkish border: ie, prepared the
way for Assad's victory in Aleppo. I don't think we can underestimate
the effects of such actions on the mutual solidarity Andy is talking
about.
And Salih Muslim's statements like this one - US should bomb the rebels
too, based on some spurious assertion about an alleged use of chlorine
(Assad has used chlorine dozens if not hundreds of times) - is an
example of the political impact of long-term alliance.
-----Original Message-----
From: Andrew Pollack via Marxism
Sent: Thursday, April 13, 2017 12:17 AM
To: Michael Karadjis
Subject: Re: [Marxism] PYD: US bombing of airbase good, but it should
bomb rebels too
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Meanwhile ROAR has another puff piece about the Ocalanists:
https://roarmag.org/magazine/dilar-dirik-kurdish-anti-fascism/
Much of what they say about the essential linkages of revolution, war,
class, gender etc. is true. And don't miss their mostly valid
denunciation
of purist Western leftists who attack them for getting aid from
imperialism. (Sound familiar?)
But...
If they're so ideologically advanced, democratic, self-less blah blah
blah,
how come they have made virtually no impact on the anti-Assad movement?
Yes, Syrian Arab elites are still mostly racist toward Kurds. But
where's
the mutual solidarity between LCCs and Kurdish equivalents?
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