On 12 Aug 2020 at 17:55, [email protected] wrote:

> One of the issues dealt with in the article cited is  Ethiopia.  For
> those who want to pursue this question I am offering this link to an
> article by Trotsky on Ethiopia.
>        ken h
>
> https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1936/04/oslo.htm

Yes, that is Trotsky's main article on the Italo-Ethiopian war, and I have 
cited it
repeatedly in my articles on Trotskyism. It is definitely worth looking at. It's
especially important to compare it to a history of what happened in the
Italo-Ethiopian war, and afterwards.

In the "Outline of Trotsky's Anti-Marxist Theories" I wrote:

"...during the Italian fascist invasion of Ethiopia in the mid-30s, the most 
that
Trotsky could do was call for support for Emperor Haile Selassie. The theory of
'permanent revolution' had nothing to say about the class relations in 
Ethiopia, so
Trotsky compared Haile Selassie to Cromwell and Robespierre, who he described
as 'dictators' who have played a 'very progressive role in history'. He put 
forward
the perspective of Selassie striking 'a mighty blow not only at Italian 
imperialism
but at imperialism as a whole'. Just over a week later, Selassie fled Ethiopia,
leaving the Ethiopian people to resist Italy by themselves. Far from Selassie
striking a blow at imperialism as a whole, discontent with his absolute monarchy
simmered among the Ethiopian fighters, called 'patriots', who continued the 
fight
against Italian occupation from inside Ethiopia. (14)"

The quotes from Trotsky are from  "On Dictators and the Heights of Olso". I had
discussed this in more detail earlier in an article "Anti-imperialism and the 
class
struggle". In the sections on "Trotsky and the Emperor of Ethopia" and 
"Trotsky's
mechanical rules", I quoted Trotsky's article, and I talked about it at length. 
Part of
what I wrote was:

"The Italo-Ethiopian war was the continuation of a long struggle by Italian
imperialism to enslave Ethiopia. Trotsky was right to denounce the ide0a that 
the
outcome of this war was irrelevant to the working masses, just as Stalin was 
right
to defend the Soviet policy of relations with Afghanistan. But Trotsky was wrong
to sing psalms of praise to the Ethiopian dictatorship and speculate over
revolutionary dictators, just as Stalin was wrong to theorize about the 
'objectively'
revolutionary nature of the Emir of Afghanistan. Trotsky ignored the 'social
foundations' of the Ethiopian dictatorship, and he ignored the tragedy which 
this
dictatorship was bringing to the Ethiopian people. The class nature of this
dictatorship would hamstring Ethiopian resistance to the Italian invasion.

"Trotsky was so enthusiastic about the supposed 'very progressive' nature of
absolutist dictatorship that he envisioned an autocrat like Haile Selassie 
leading a
revolt in India against British colonialism. India, unlike Ethiopia, had a 
significant
proletariat, substantial class movements of the toilers, and an active communist
movement, which was faced with the issue of dealing with a powerful bourgeois
nationalist movement. But Trotsky envisioned that the Indian revolt might be 
led,
and in a progressive manner, by an absolutist despot. This underlines the fact
that Trotsky, in this passage, utterly separated the class struggle from
anti-imperialism. He converted anti-imperialism into simply supporting this or 
that
dictator or regime."

I continued

"Selassie's departure was a sign of the defeat of the official armies and the 
upper
nobility by the Italian fascists, yet his absence didn't mean the war was over. 
The
Italians ended up controlling all the towns and main roads, but Ethiopian
resistance continued in the countryside. It was carried on by people who were
called the Patriots. It was mainly led by local landowning chiefs in the 
countryside
(balabats), although some members of the nobility took part. It was not a
revolutionary movement of the peasantry and was not aimed against the old
exploitation, as the Patriots were led by chiefs and landowners, although mainly
not the nobility. But its existence showed  the fallacy of dreaming that Haile
Selassie would be the revolutionary dictator liberating the Ethiopian people.
Indeed, during the war, there was grumbling among the Patriots against the 
failures of the Selassie regime, and some talk of eliminating the absolute 
monarchy or, at least, cutting down Selassie's powers."

I also discussed this in the article "The sad story of Leon Trotsky and Haile
Selassie", part one (http://www.communistvoice.org/DWV-150831.html), and I 
gave a list of important events  in the Ethiopian struggle in part two ("From 
the
history of Ethiopian resistance to Italian occupation",
http://www.communistvoice.org/DWV-150908.html) This history can help one
make one's own judgment about Selasssie role in history. It shows how the first
thing Selassie did, upon returning to Ethiopia with British help, was to 
suppress
various revolts, such as the Woyane uprising in Tigray in 1943. And, a few years
after World War II, he took over Eritrea, which eventually led to  three 
decades of
bloody warfare. It also referred to his backward role in the general 
anti-colonial
movement in Africa.

As of yet, I have never seen any Trotskyist source evaluate Trotsky's stand in 
the
light of what actually happened in Ethiopia. Who needs facts after Trotsky has
spoken?

Instead of studying Ethiopian history,  it's easier to repeat dogma and lie 
about
other people. Take, for example, the RCIT's Yossi Schwartz. He is the author of
a big pamphlet entittled "The National Question: The Marxist Approach to the
Struggle of the Oppressed People" (September 2019 -
https://www.thecommunists.net/theory/the-national-question). He claims that I
have supposedly denounced the struggle against Italian aggression and the
anti-imperialist struggle, and have the same stand as the pacifist Maxton.

Now, what is truly pathetic is his method of argumention. Although he quotes me
defending the Ethiopian struggle, he regards this as irrelevant.  In essence, he
argues that since I criticize Trotsky 's views,  by definition I am opposing the
Ethiopian struggle. For him, the only thing that matters is whether one agrees 
with
what he calls "Trotsky's method" of defending the struggle.

And one lies follows another. He pretends that Trotsky talked about Selassie
being a reactionary, when in fact Trotsky said in "On Dictators and the Heights 
of
Oslo" that Selassie was a dictator who might "play a very progressive role in
history". "Very progressive" gets translated as "reactionary". It's truly 
ludicrous.

Here's his passage about me:

"The middle class reformists and centrists who refused to defend the
semi-colonies because of their reactionary leadership, attack Trotsky´s method 
of
defending the semi-colonies when they are led by reactionaries while they fight
imperialism, have the same argument that the ILP, led by  Maxton, had in 1936.
For example, Joseph Green, a leading  member of the pseudo-revolutionary
group that publishes  Communist Voice wrote in 2015: 'Selassie was one of the
absolute rulers of the Ethiopian Empire; he was Regent from 1916  to 1930, and
Emperor from 1930 to 1974. Trotsky was right to back Ethiopia against Italian
invasion and occupation during  the latter 1930s, but wrong to prettify 
Selassie´s
absolutism and  wrong to regard Ethiopia as a blank slate, without significant
internal struggles. On April 22, 1936, Trotsky wrote that workers faced 'making 
a
choice between two dictators', either Mussolini or Haile Selassie. He didn´t 
look
towards the victory of the  Ethiopian people, but the 'victory of the Negus'; 
'Negus'
referred to Haile Selassie, and Trotsky was saying something like  'victory of 
his
royal majesty'. Trotsky held that 'the victory of  the Negus... would mean a 
mighty
blow not only at Italian imperialism but at imperialism as a whole, and would 
lend
a powerful  impulsion to the rebellious forces of the oppressed peoples.' [44]"
(Yossi Schwartz, "The National Question", p. 17,
https://www.thecommunists.net/theory/the-national-question) <>



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