The Cultural Revolution famously depended on college students and the Red 
Guards. The Red Guards began as an independent but politically-interested group 
of university students who supported a broadly Maoist cultural agenda. The 
formal alliance between Mao and the student movement began at Peking University 
with professor Nie Yuanzi, at the time a 45-year-old Party member in the 
Department of Philosophy. Nie vocally supported Mao’s removal of the mayor of 
Beijing and linked this to the struggle to remove bourgeois and capitalist 
elements from university administration. Once Mao officially blessed her 
statement, students began to organize and revolt against party authorities in 
universities across China. In this way, a political alliance was formed between 
the recently disempowered elite and educated youth and middle-class academics.

After the Red Guards had received official support, they expanded beyond their 
original constituency of university students to encompass high school students 
and more lower class youth generally. They took control of universities and 
engaged in purges and violence throughout the country. The army and police did 
not significantly interfere for the better part of two years, as the Red Guards 
were officially sanctioned by elements of the national government. Party 
journalist Chen Joda lended a raison d’être to the Red Guards, the abolition of 
the “Four Olds”: old customs, old culture, old habits, and old ideas. None of 
these were well-defined, but the elasticity was the point. During the time in 
which this paramilitary group operated, art, temples, and religious icons were 
destroyed, cemeteries were desecrated, and university professors and 
intellectuals were persecuted or killed. Most universities were closed for 
several years, and it arguably took decades for China’s higher education system 
to recover.

“Struggle sessions” dominated much of middle-class life in this period. People 
would be accused by Red Guards of anticommunist thought or action, adherence to 
one of the hated Olds, and subjected to intense questioning and forced 
confessions. These confessions, whether genuine or strategic, were no guarantee 
of safety: one might be kept for a period of repentance and hard labor, then 
later beaten or killed anyway. Once the paramilitary movement spilled out of 
universities, it targeted party headquarters and bureaucratic offices. The 
youth wing of the revolution became a para-governmental enforcement arm of the 
elite class (explicitly, Mao). This class alignment produced an inevitable 
outcome: the targets of this “revolution” were not the uppermost elites, but 
middle management, bureaucrats, and systems of social control that 
intermediated between elites and the populace.

The Red Guards were eventually disbanded and suppressed by the government and 
the People’s Liberation Army. Despite occasional and even significant Red 
Guard-PLA clashes, the military was never replaced as the ultimate power in the 
country. Many of the eager young ex-Red Guards were sent into the countryside 
on an extended mission of spreading Maoist thought, far away from the centers 
of power and where they could do less damage, Nie Yuanzi, the Peking University 
professor who began the movement, among them. In a way, the Red Guards had 
served their purpose: the middle management of the country was properly 
chastened and afraid of their elite masters. The bureaucracies that mediated 
between elites and ordinary people were either in tatters or so cowed as to 
make direct control frictionless. In sum, an alliance between a disempowered 
elite and a mostly-young and educated lower-middle class (using the still 
lower-class youth as enforcers) upended the middle section of society’s 
bureaucracy, to long-lasting effect.


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