Chris: “The Red Guards no doubt believed they were advancing socialism.  But
their actions set back the struggle for socialism.” Yes, and Dayne above
also makes the point that, whatever their motives, the ultimate victors
were the privileged, the big bureaucracy that set about capitalist
restoration. But it seems to me the link is not only that the inevitable
reaction to the chaos and the excesses paved the way ideologically for
reaction against its supposed “socialist” motives. Frankly, the violence
and destruction unleashed by the Mao faction and its Red Guards is what
destroyed the basis of the “deformed workers’ state” long before the
economic restoration began in earnest.

I think this is underlined in what Ben Walters wrote:

“The bureaucracies that mediated between elites and ordinary people were
either in tatters or so cowed as to make direct control frictionless. In
sum, an alliance between a disempowered elite and a mostly-young and
educated lower-middle class (using the still lower-class youth as
enforcers) upended the middle section of society’s bureaucracy, to
long-lasting effect … the targets of this “revolution” were not the
uppermost elites, but middle management, bureaucrats, and systems of social
control that intermediated between elites and the populace.”

Add to them the universities themselves (closed down for years) and the
killing of so many academics and intellectuals. What was eliminated, in
other words, were the very organs of the ‘deformed workers state’.

One may object that I am identifying the “bureaucracy” (lower levels) with
the “workers’ state”, but the point is, as Lenin famously put it, “workers’
state” is only an “abstraction”, and he said this before the Stalinist
degeneracy; and in China, there was never a 1917-type workers’ revolution
in the first place. Unless anyone thinks the working class ever held any
degree of power in any sense in China after 1949, then the distinction
between ‘lower bureaucracy’ and ‘workers state’ is irrelevant. The
*deformed* “workers state” is more closely embodied in the lower levels of
bureaucracy, middle management, academics etc than in the top level of
bureaucracy, unless we are believers in enlightened despotism. Many of
these middle and lower levels of bureaucracy likely were direct
participants in the revolution, many probably originated among the better
organised, more advanced and literate sectors of the working class and
peasantry, however we define ‘deformed workers state’, it would have been
precisely among these layers that the socialist ideals of the revolution
were still embodied in some form, being still the first generation of the
revolution.

By mobilising mindless “Red” thugs all over the country to carry out
massive, arbitrary, chaotic violence and smash this layer to bits, the top
bureaucracy thus removed the layers which may have put up some kind of
resistance to capitalist restoration, or at least to the kinds of
acceptance of extreme inequality that came with it. Not necessarily, for
sure. They may have divided, their reactions mixed. But a hell of a lot
more so than the thin layer at the top. The fact that it was the allegedly
“anti-revisionist” wing of the bureaucracy that led the SA-type movement,
whereas it was the restored ‘revisionist” wing under Deng that later
carried through the capitalist turn, is essentially irrelevant: we are
talking about social forces, not alleged political proclivities at the top.

I realise this is not only a rejection of the entire new left adulation of
the GPCR as some kind of anti-bureaucratic socialist revolution or
“revolution within the revolution” etc against “capitalist roader” element
of the bureaucracy – those illusions have been largely rejected for decades
anyway – but goes somewhat further: this objectively *counterrevolutionary*
mass violence is precisely the point that cleared the way for capitalist
restoration, removed not “capitalist roaders” but the main potential
barrier to that road.

I think this is also partially why capitalist restoration could be achieved
“without violence” – the old Trotskyist insistence that a “workers’ state”
could no more be overthrown by a restored capitalism without violence than
a capitalist state can be overthrown by the working class peacefully. The
violence - on a huge, countrywide scale – took place a decade and a half
before even the initial tame turn towards “markets”. The process, in other
words, took place in stages, with a big delay in between the political and
the economic (regardless of what was in the heads of those who led the
political phase of smashing the deformed ‘workers state’).

If we extend this elsewhere, perhaps the 1930s in the USSR, 1956 for
Hungary, 1968 for Czechoslovakia etc represented similar “political
counterrevolutions within the (already Stalinist) political
counterrevolution.” By 1989-91, any need for violence in restoration was
long gone.

On Mon, Feb 1, 2021 at 7:56 AM Chris Slee <[email protected]> wrote:

> The Red Guards no doubt believed they were advancing socialism.  But their
> actions set back the struggle for socialism.
>
>
>


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