Mark, thanks. I think we have narrowed it usefully, so let me take the two 
things you actually pressed and leave the rest where it stands.

First, the all-volunteer force. You are right that 1973 was a deliberate move 
to stop depending on a conscripted cross-section of the working class and that 
this cuts against any "conscription gives us better agitational access" 
framing. Good, because that was never my argument. It was yours. My objection 
to the pro-draft proposal was precisely that it locates the brake on 
imperialism inside the state's recruitment apparatus rather than in independent 
class action. You have now supplied the historical proof: when the state found 
a conscript army inconvenient, it abolished the draft and bought professionals 
with our taxes. That is exactly why I do not want our program to rest on which 
staffing model the state happens to choose. The state controls that lever; we 
do not. An anti-militarist program that depends on the state keeping 
conscription is a program the state can defeat by signing one executive order, 
which is what happened.

On the PMP I think we are actually close. You call the 1940 resolution a relic 
but say the foundational concept survives: to organize the class, you have to 
be where the class is. I agree with that as a sociological truism. The 
disagreement is whether "be where they are" entails fighting for proletarian 
control of military training as a transitional demand, which is what made the 
PMP the PMP rather than just good organizing sense. If Europe conscripts like 
1935 and we organize among conscripts, that is not the PMP; it is what 
defeatists have always done inside mass armies. The PMP added a specific 
positive demand on the bourgeois military, and that is the part the third-camp 
critique rejects and the part Cannon's WWII drift exposed. So "we may choose 
the PMP" smuggles in more than "we may organize among conscripts." Keep the 
second; I am with you. The first is the thing in dispute.

Now the real hinge: "what you read as support I read as subversion." This is 
the sentence that matters, so let me be exact about why I do not think it 
dissolves the objection. Subversion of an army is a tactic the third camp fully 
endorses: fraternization, encouraging desertion and mutiny, breaking discipline 
from below, and turning the guns around. None of that requires a comparative 
ranking of states, and none of it grants political support to any government. 
You can subvert the German army and the British army in the same war, 
symmetrically, with no claim that either state is the lesser evil. That is the 
whole point of the symmetrical reading.

What I called support in Pröbsting is something else. It is the move from "the 
US is the greater power" to "therefore, the semi-colonial or sub-imperialist 
belligerent's war effort gets our political backing." " That is not subversion 
of an army. It is endorsement of a state's war aims on the basis of a ranking. 
The two are not the same operation, and collapsing them is how "subversion" 
ends up laundering campism. So the question I would put back to you is simple: 
is your "subversion" symmetrical across both belligerents, or does it attach to 
one side because of where that side sits in the imperialist hierarchy? If the 
former, we agree, and the word "support" was never warranted. If the latter, 
then it is support after all, and we are back at point 7, because the 
comparative ranking is again doing the work.

Which is the thread through all of it. The PMP, the draft proposal, and 
"subversion" all share one structure: each tries to find an anti-imperialist 
lever somewhere other than the independent action of the working class. The PMP 
looks for it in a demand on the state's army; the draft proposal looks for it 
in the state's recruitment model; the campist reading looks for it in the 
ranking of states. The third-camp answer is the same in all three cases. The 
lever is the class, acting on its own account, against its own ruling class 
first, and refusing to be conscripted into anyone else's state project, 
recruiter, or enemy.

I look forward to your specific comments.

In solidarity, Tony
--
Tony


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