David, this is the right example to put on the table, and the WWII 
reconstruction is largely correct, so let me agree with the history and then 
say where I think it does not carry the strategic weight you want it to.

On the facts I have no quarrel. The SWP did drop overt defeatist propaganda 
after Pearl Harbor while keeping its analysis of the war as imperialist; it did 
get cadre into defense plants rather than into uniform where it could, and the 
place the PMP was actually lived out was Britain and the Home Guard, not the 
United States. That gap between formal adoption and practice is itself telling, 
and you are right to name it. The American party "ranked," as you put it, 
without admitting it ranked, and the WWII conjuncture, with a working class 
welded to a base anti-fascism after Pearl Harbor, is exactly the case the 
third-camp critique has always found the hardest. I am not going to pretend 
otherwise.

But notice what the Home Guard case actually shows, because it is narrower than 
the PMP as a doctrine. British workers training with arms to fight an occupying 
Wehrmacht is not the PMP's distinctive content. It is the wholly general 
proposition that revolutionaries go where their class is and take up arms 
alongside it against an invader. No third-camp socialist opposes that. Fighting 
an occupation, arming the class to resist invasion, and joining a militia 
raised against a foreign army on your own soil—all of that is common ground. If 
that is all the PMP means, then it is unobjectionable and also not a 
distinctive policy, because it collapses into ordinary revolutionary practice 
in a war of resistance.

The PMP claimed more. Its specific content was a positive transitional demand 
on the bourgeois state's own military machine: trade union control of military 
training, officers elected by the ranks, and military schooling funded by the 
state but controlled by the workers' organizations. That is the part that is 
not reducible to "fight the occupier." And that is the part that is hard to 
quarantine from what happened to Cannon, because once you are making demands 
for the better organization of your own ruling class's war apparatus, you have 
accepted that apparatus as a thing to be improved rather than subverted, and 
the slope from there to social-patriotism is the one the SWP actually slid 
down. The Home Guard does not test that claim, because resisting invasion needs 
no transitional demand on Churchill's army to justify it. It justifies itself.

So I would separate two questions you have fused. Should revolutionaries in 
Britain have armed and trained to fight a German invasion? Yes, obviously, and 
opposing that would be sectarian idiocy. Does that vindicate the PMP as a 
general military policy, a standing demand to be raised on one's own 
imperialist state in imperialist wars? No, because the Home Guard was a war of 
resistance against occupation, the one case where the class line and the 
national defense line genuinely converge, and you cannot generalize from the 
limit case to the rule. The PMP wanted to apply that logic to imperialist war 
as such. That is precisely where it broke and where the American party either 
avoided the draft or, when it engaged, drifted toward the patriotism it had 
sworn off.

Which is also why Korea and Vietnam are not really PMP. Going in to build the 
antiwar movement from within, GI organizing, and refusing to flee to Canada 
because the fight is among the conscripted ranks—none of that requires a 
transitional demand on the army's training. It is defeatist work inside a mass 
army, which is what socialists have always done and what I have no objection 
to. The SWP and WWP did good work there. But they did it by organizing soldiers 
against the war, not by demanding workers' control of the officer corps. 
Calling that the PMP keeps the name alive by quietly emptying it of the content 
that made it controversial.

So my answer to "why would anyone oppose this" is that I do not oppose the Home 
Guard, and I do not oppose GI organizing. I oppose the inference from those 
cases to a standing positive demand on the imperialist state's military, which 
is the only thing the PMP added and the only thing in genuine dispute.

In solidarity, Tony
--
Tony


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