John,

The charge is that theory is a hiding place. Let me take it seriously rather 
than resent it.

You are right about the substance. Most of the socialist left has no plan for a 
stolen or cancelled election. You are right that the Democratic strategy is 
litigation and that litigation before this Court is a strategy of hope. You are 
right that the only force capable of stopping a seizure is a work stoppage 
broad enough to make the country ungovernable. I concede all of it.

What I do not concede is that the fiddle and the fire are unrelated.

The question of what kind of regime this is is not a scholastic question. It is 
a question about what breaks it. If this were classical fascism, a mass 
movement with its own armed cadre and a program of physically destroying the 
workers' organizations, then the answer would be self-defense units and a 
united front from below, built now, at whatever cost to the unions' legal 
standing. If it is what I have argued, a patrimonial Bonapartism, then the 
regime's method of rule is also its weakness. It has hollowed out the state's 
administrative capacity to make every office answerable to one man. It can 
seize. It cannot administer. Its coalition holds only as long as the patron can 
pay, and a coup that shuts down the revenue-collecting and contract-enforcing 
apparatus stops paying quickly. That difference is not a footnote. It tells you 
where to put your forces and how long a stoppage has to last to accomplish that.

Now take your remedy. Shutting down the country through workplace stoppages is 
the correct answer. But a political general strike is not produced by warning 
people that one is needed. It is produced by a body that can call it and be 
obeyed. No such body exists in the United States right now. The unions will not 
call it, for exactly the reason you name. And the organization that has three 
hundred thousand paper members cannot call it either, because it has no 
mechanism by which a decision binds anyone.

This brings me to your description of East Bay DSA. I think you have the 
diagnosis one layer too high. The problem is not which caucus holds the 
offices, but that no position binds anyone once taken. The problem is that no 
position binds anyone once taken. Convention resolutions do not bind the NPC. 
The NPC does not bind the chapters. Endorsement does not bind the endorsee. 
Elected officials cannot be recalled by the body that elected them, staff 
cannot be disciplined by the membership that pays them, and delegates carry no 
mandate they must adhere to. An organization unable to enforce a decision in a 
quiet year will also fail to enforce one in November. That is not abstract 
theory. That is a prediction, and it is testable.

So the fiddle is not the theory. The fiddle is passing resolutions no one is 
bound by and calling the passage of them preparation.

One narrower point, and here I think John E is right. Whatever the merits of 
the 2024 argument, it does not follow that everyone who refused a Democratic 
vote is indifferent to electoral fraud. Those are separate questions, and 
collapsing them costs you the people you are trying to convince.

Comradely,
Tony
--
Tony


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