I want to begin with the concessions first since both are true.

Marv’s point that insurgents replicate the motivations of their predecessors is 
correct. I’d make that stronger; it is typically how insurgencies occur. Anyone 
who has seen a winning caucus develop a new respect for staff discretion after 
gaining control will understand what I’m saying. Mark is correct; there isn’t 
anything formal that prohibits these discussions.

However, no one has ever been gavelled down for expressing a view. The issue 
wasn't that the discussion itself is taboo; the issue was that if you don't 
have an organizational mechanism to transform discussion into action (i.e., 
instruction), then your organization is going to continue talking but 
ultimately accomplish very little. That's exactly what we're doing now.

Therefore, Mark's solution won't solve the problem. Having conversations 
outside of meetings, creating an environment that promotes open communication, 
and asking people to share their views. Good practices. None of those practices 
are accountable, because the hallway is the only space in which you can utilize 
recall, mandate, and reporting back to someone. When you leave the hallway, 
there is no position to be recalled from and there is no community to report 
to. In 1970, Jo Freeman resolved this matter. Informal networks are not checks 
on unaccountable leadership. Instead, informal networks are simply a vehicle 
for unaccountable leadership to reproduce themselves. The more friendly the 
environment, the better unaccountable leadership operates.

Conversely, Marv shifts the same concern to a future circumstance. Maybe in 
socialism, when the pursuit of wealth, status, and power ceases to exist. This 
turns the historical relationship around. Recall and the workers’ wage were not 
merely ornamental features of societies that had eliminated careerism. Rather, 
they were tools that a working class in control developed specifically because 
careerism existed in full force and encouragement hadn’t worked. These tools 
assume the scramble exists; they do not wait for the scramble to end.

Additionally, Marv’s reliance upon the Michels argument runs counter to the 
conclusion he draws from it. If oligarchy were a product of bad behavior, 
education should suffice, and mechanisms would become superfluous. If oligarchy 
is structural, then education becomes redundant. Marv acknowledges the 
structural nature of oligarchy and then prescribes the moralistic treatment. As 
his last statement clearly illustrates, agreement doesn’t always equate to 
commitment. Just like that. That’s the case for mechanisms that establish 
accountability regardless of whether agreement occurs, not the case against 
such mechanisms.

There are two smaller issues I’d like to address. Accountability is not a 
function of democratic centralism. Recall, instructed delegates, and worker 
wages are all either Communard or earlier republican devices. Versions of each 
still exist in some form in trade unions’ constitutions and state-level recall 
measures. To dismiss the request based on this technicality treats the request 
as an import of Bolsheviks. Further, most of the failures experienced by 
democratic centralist organizations occurred due to the absence or suspension 
of mechanisms binding members rather than their existence. Permanently 
established tendencies were prohibited, leading to committees exempt from 
recall and full-time employees compensated at levels equivalent to 
professionals.

Ultimately, my inquiry for any caucus—including mine—is not if it supports 
internal democracy. All caucuses do. My inquiry is whether it would implement 
recall and worker wages within its cadre once they gain office. I've yet to 
hear anyone say "yes" and follow through.
--
Tony


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