Marv,

I think two aspects of your response need to be distinguished. Demands, such as 
recall and wages for workers, are made to workers and depend on how much 
workers can currently be expected to fight over them. In terms of this 
evaluation, these are both "advanced" or "premature" because there does not yet 
exist the consciousness necessary for workers to make a struggle for them. 
However, the question of recalling public officials and the question of whether 
a workers' organization should recall its own officers is not whether workers 
will march for the recall of public officials; it is whether DSA will recall 
its own.

When you separate out these two issues, then your historical context is 
probably the strongest evidence for the position you have dismissed. As you 
pointed out, the franchise and collective bargaining have been established, and 
the militant impulse that drove some of those battles has given way to 
bread-and-butter unionism (and its mirror image in social democracy). This is 
not a loss of interest among workers in their democratic rights. Rather, it is 
the institutionalization of the mass organizations, with the emergence within 
those organizations of a strata of leaders who do not share the same economic 
interests as the members. The Commune's provisions are specifically aimed at 
addressing this formation. Marx did not argue that establishing the workers' 
wage would cause a wave of people to take action. Instead, he argued that it 
would remove the material foundation upon which a permanent officialdom could 
establish itself. The degeneration you see as the natural result of winning 
democratic rights is precisely the phenomenon that the four mechanisms exist to 
explain. You have provided the example and refused the conclusion.

You also cut down the conscientious objection. If consciousness develops 
through practice with self-government rather than prior to it, then delaying 
the introduction of the mechanisms until after consciousness arises ensures 
that it will not arise. What the membership will learn instead is how to 
delegate political decisions to staff and leaderships of caucuses, which is the 
education process that creates the passivity you cite as justification for 
waiting.

As for your comment regarding student-intellectuals drawn to the left by 
abstract ideas rather than actual living experiences, I might agree with you 
entirely; this seems very similar to Draper's account of the micro-sect. 
However, it makes my argument, rather than yours. An organization composed 
largely of intellectuals rather than proletarians needs more internal checks, 
not fewer, since it lacks a material base outside of itself to constrain its 
leaders until then.

Finally, "advanced" reverses history. Recall and the workers' wage were normal 
practice in the commune, in many local unions during the early Second 
International, and in shop steward committees. What is relatively new is the 
assumption that a socialist organization is generally organized by paid staff 
who cannot be recalled by their members. The burden of novelty rests here.
--
Tony


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