I appreciate and share the commitment to the defence and extension of 
democratic rights of Tony, John, and others on the list  However, the conundrum 
the revolutionary left has historically faced in the developed Western 
capitalist societies since its inception is that the working class has 
generally been interested in democratic rights only insofar as it  has 
perceived these to have a direct bearing on its material conditions of 
existence - notably, the right to vote in the electoral realm and to organize 
unions and bargain collectively for improved wages and benefits in the 
workplace. There has been a direct relationship between the winning of these 
rights and the decline of working class militancy and its replacement by 
bread-and-butter trade unionism in the workplace and its mirror image in the 
political arena of the triumph of social democracy over Marxism.

I believe it will take a social collapse in which these electoral and 
bargaining safety valves of discontent disappear or no longer promise to 
protect the living conditions of the working class before workers again give 
primacy to the fight for fundamental democratic rights. These are mostly 
advanced today by students and intellectuals who are attracted to the left by 
ideas rather than lived experience. We are perhaps beginning to see the initial 
signs of a more broad-based awakening amidst fears of a collapse after so many 
false alarms, reflected in the growth of groups to the left and right of the 
established liberal and conservative parties. It is possible that in our 
lifetimes there will be a sharp intensification of class struggle if 
predictions of the dire effects of AI are borne out. In that case, the class 
struggle may express itself outside of hollowed-out workplaces in intensified 
demands in the streets for a universal income equivalent to the old demand for 
a “living wage” at the expense of the wealthy, with protestors again divided 
over whether this is to be won through the social democratic formula of higher 
taxes or the revolutionary socialist program of public ownership.

These few thoughts will put into broader context why I’m interested less in the 
issues of recall and salary caps as they affect the internal organization of 
left-wing groups like the DSA than I am of their potential mobilizing effects 
on workers across the political spectrum, although here too I believe they are 
of such an advanced nature as to require a significantly higher level of 
political consciousness than at present in order to take root.


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