I genuinely appreciate the anecdotal stories about the how and who of
various NRP programs and whether they have benefitted renters and
persons of color.  Here's a long response that takes into account some
of the comments.

As one caveat--I certainly understand that an NRP subsidy to a school or
rec center or arts project generally benefits all--poor and rich, black
and white.  But, 1.  these made up about 7-8% of all NRP expenditures;
and 2.  we need to be careful to note that we are talking about certain
subsidies, often small subsidies in an overall project.  I think most
posts incorrectly imply that NRP somehow built these projects, when in
reality NRP funds generally made up a small portion of the overall
funding (there may, of course, be exceptions, and I fully understand the
power of leveraging, just no one has made the case that NRP made that
leveraged difference).

Barb Lickness wrote:

> If someone pulled all the information related to the
> NRP projects and the populations that were actually
> served with the expenditure of NRP funds then
> conclusions could be drawn with factual statistics and
> not conjecture based on a persons limited experience
> with the NRP program.

Someone did pull that information, as requested by NRP.  Teamworks did a
thorough study of Phase I in the year 2000 (and that is the study
Pauline Thomas refers to in her opinion piece) and noted the following
statistical information, which I repeat for the umpteenth time:

1.  By far the greatest expenditure was for housing related programs,
and within these expenditures the vast majority went to homeowner grant
and loan programs.  According to Teamworks, where data could be tracked
(NRP does not track beneficiary data, but one subcontractor did in 16
neighborhoods, including Whittier, Elliot Park and Longfellow):
"programs were not generally targeted to people with high degrees of
need, as measured by household income."  Six percent of recipients had
incomes under 30% of the Metro Median Income (MMI) and only 19% had
incomes under 50% of the MMI.  This is true even though Teamworks
specifically found that NRP had successfully targeted funds to
neighborhoods with high degrees of poverty and/or need.  Ironically,
MCDA does a far better job itself of targeting beneficiaries of such
home improvement grants and loans.

2.  From Teamworks:  "A majority of [the sixteen surveyed] neighborhoods
provided home improvement assistance to residents with median incomes
greater than that of all households even in their own neighborhoods, in
some cases by as much as two or three times the neighborhood median."
My comment:  in any other case, folks would be lambasting this is as
wasteful spending on people who could otherwise generally find
traditional financing.

3.  From another NRP requested evaluation:  Eighty-eight percent (88%)
of all NRP housing grant and loan recipients during the period of 1993
to 2000 were white- despite the City's white population declining during
the same period from 78% to 65% of the general population.

These are the stastistics.  We can paint rosy pictures of NRP and what
it has accomplished, but the NRP sponsored evaluations paint a larger
more pessimistic picture with respect to whom it has benefitted.

David Brauer wrote:

. . . The allegation of racial bias is far from proven. The one
statistical summary alleging has not presented a detailed view of its
methods to be able to peer review, which, as Michael often asserts, is a
necessary component for judging validity.

(A side point: even if certain groups received more than their share of
expenditures, that does not inherently connote bias. Or, as many a stat
prof
has said, "correlation does not equal causation.")

[GDL] I cringed when I read this, because it does not adequately address
the issue.  Proving bias is nearly impossible and puts the burden
unfairly back on the individuals left out and wanting change.  I'd
rather look at it with the presumption that there is inherent bias in
the distribution of NRP's funds, based on the statistical information,
and let neighborhoods prove there is no bias.  But, ultimately, talk of
bias here and bias there gets you into a corner with fists
flying--nowhere.  Why not take the suggestions of well-meaning and
knowledgeable folks who do want change, such as the Tenant Issues
Working Group, and begin to work on those suggestions.  From my
experience, if you challenge the expenditures as failing to fulfill
NRP's ultimate mission and statutory mandate, you are immediately
labeled a trouble maker, "controversial," or worse, and requests for
information from neighborhoods and others are thereafter ignored.   I
then interpret such responses to be akin to what one of PJ504's board
members said: "your teeth have finally pierced the skin of the poisonous
snake."  We want dialogue, we want suggestions, we want change, not
defensive tactics.

David Brauer also wrote:

I would argue that opinion polls showing Minneapolis residents
consistently,
overwhelming supporting NRP, plus the success of many candidates
supporting
NRP in the last election, are a good evidence that the program has
succeeded. Of course, that may be a problem for those same politicians
now.

[GDL] Let me put a different spin on this.  Those who vote are generally
those who participate in NRP, so it's somewhat of a problematic but
certainly legitimate conclusion here.  More significantly, NRP has
become, as some Republicans in the legislature may also perceive it to
be, a loose but effective organizing structure for many locally elected
officials.  It provides core support for many on the Council (and
especially the Mayor) because it involves residents who are typically
already highly involved in their neighborhoods.  Nothing wrong with
that, but it does have its real downsides, in that it is somewhat of a
stultifying force for efforts to involve those more marginalized--if
those more marginalized question NRP expenditures and want change, it
threatens the core support of elected officials.  We've found this out
in asking for change in NRP, as CM's and the Mayor want to stay ten feet
away from it (though some remain open to talking constructively).  Who
is then heard?  Generally, it's the highly organized but not necessarily
representative folks in the neighborhood groups, who have a stake in NRP
by continuing the rather biased distribution of benefits.  It remains a
circle of relatively unchanging beneficiaries and participants.

There's much good about NRP and its model, but in application it has
been quite problematic from the viewpoint of many for whom I work with
and work for.

Gregory Luce
St. Paul 


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