<http://www.iht.com/> International Herald Tribune

For U.S., bigger issues require Russian help 

By Helene Cooper

Sunday, August 10, 2008 

WASHINGTON: The image of President George W. Bush smiling and chatting with 
Prime Minister Vladimir Putin of Russia from the stands of the Beijing 
Olympics, even as Russian aircraft were shelling Georgia, outlines the reality 
of America's Russia policy. While the United States considers Georgia its 
strongest ally in the bloc of former Soviet countries, Washington needs Russia 
too much on big issues like Iran to risk it all to defend Georgia.

And State Department officials made it clear Saturday that there was no chance 
the United States would intervene militarily.

Bush did use tough language, demanding that Russia stop bombing.

And Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice demanded that Russia "respect Georgia's 
territorial integrity."

What did Putin do? First, he rebuffed President Nicolas Sarkozy of France in 
Beijing, refusing to budge when Sarkozy tried to dissuade Russia from its 
military operation.

"It was a very, very tough meeting," a senior Western official said afterward. 
"Putin was saying, 'We are going to make them pay. We are going to make 
justice."'

Then Putin flew from Beijing to a region that borders South Ossetia, arriving 
after an announcement that Georgia was pulling its troops out of the capital of 
the breakaway region. He appeared ostensibly to coordinate assistance for 
refugees who had fled South Ossetia into Russia, but the Russian message was 
clear: This is our sphere of influence; others stay out.

"What the Russians just did is, for the first time since the fall of the Soviet 
Union, they have taken a decisive military action and imposed a military 
reality," said George Friedman, chief executive of Stratfor, a geopolitical 
analysis and intelligence company. "They've done it unilaterally, and all of 
the countries that have been looking to the West to intimidate the Russians are 
now forced into a position to consider what just happened."

And Bush administration officials acknowledged that the outside world, and the 
United States in particular, had little leverage over Russian actions.

"There is no possibility of drawing NATO or the international community into 
this," said a senior State Department official in a conference call with 
reporters. "There is none. There is not a danger of a regional conflict in our 
mind."

The unfolding conflict in Georgia set off a flurry of diplomacy.

Rice and other officials at the State Department and the Pentagon have been on 
the telephone with the Russian foreign minister, Sergey Lavrov, and other 
Russian counterparts, as well as with officials in Georgia, urging both sides 
to return to peace talks.

The European Union - and Germany, in particular, with its strong ties to Russia 
- called on both sides to stand down and scheduled meetings to press their 
concerns. At the United Nations, members of the Security Council met informally 
to discuss a possible response, but one Security Council diplomat said it 
remained uncertain whether, with Russia and China both holding veto power, much 
could be done.

"Strategically, the Russians have been sending signals that they really wanted 
to flex their muscles, and they're upset about Kosovo," the diplomat said. He 
was alluding to Russia's anger at the West for recognizing the independence of 
Kosovo from Serbia earlier this year. The decision by the United States and 
Europe to recognize Kosovo may well have paved the way for Russia's 
lightning-fast decision to send troops to back the separatists in South Ossetia.

During one meeting on Kosovo in Brussels earlier this year, Lavrov, the foreign 
minister, warned Rice and European diplomats that if they recognized Kosovo, 
they would be setting a precedent for South Ossetia and other breakaway 
provinces. As easily as the West could encourage a former Russian satellite 
toward independence and away from Russia's sphere of influence, the Russians 
warned, so too, could Moscow encourage pro-Russian breakaway regions like South 
Ossetia to follow suit.

For the Bush administration, the choice now becomes whether backing Georgia - 
which, more than any other former Soviet republic, has allied with the United 
States - on the South Ossetia issue is worth alienating Russia at a time when 
getting Russia's help to rein in Iran's nuclear ambitions is at the top of the 
United States' foreign policy agenda.

One UN diplomat joked Saturday that "if someone went to the Russians and said, 
'O.K., Kosovo for Iran,' we'd have a deal."

That might be hyperbole, but there is a growing feeling among some officials in 
the Bush administration that perhaps the United States cannot have it all, and 
may have to choose its priorities, particularly in connection with Russia.

The Bush administration's strong support for Georgia - including the training 
of the Georgian military and arms support - came, in part, as a reward for its 
support of the United States in Iraq.

The United States has held Georgia up as a beacon of democracy in the former 
Soviet Union; it was supposed to be an example to other former Soviet republics 
of the benefits of tilting to the West.

But that, along with American and European actions on Kosovo, left Russia 
feeling threatened, encircled and more convinced that it had to take aggressive 
measures to restore its power, dignity and influence in a region it considers 
its strategic backyard, foreign policy experts said.

Russia's emerging aggressiveness is now also timed with America's preoccupation 
with Iraq and Afghanistan, and the looming confrontation with Iran. These 
counterbalancing considerations mean that Moscow is in the driver's seat, Bush 
administration officials acknowledged.

"We've placed ourselves in a position that globally we don't have the 
wherewithal to do anything," Friedman of Stratfor said. "One would think under 
those circumstances, we'd shut up."

A senior administration official, when told of that quote, laughed. "Well, 
maybe we're learning to shut up now," he said. He asked that his name not be 
used because he was not authorized to speak publicly on the issue.

C.J. Chivers contributed reporting.

 

Notes:

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