After some thought I am posting this on the ONW Google because it is very
much crime related and I feel it is important. Also I gconsider that it
gives a fair and realistic evaluation of the situation as regards SAPS.

 


Gangs are an established part of the social geography - and pathology - of
Cape Town.

They have a long history, dating back to the aftermath of the Second World
War. Gang culture became entrenched as forced removals disrupted (and
sometimes helped destroy) community and family cohesion. Today, more than
130 gangs with a collective membership of approximately 100,000 perpetuate
social dislocation in some of the poorest communities. While gang membership
once served a "social function" giving young people a sense of "belonging"
within a hierarchy of control, the focus has shifted to violent turf wars
over the lucrative drug trade. The explosion of crystal methamphetamine
abuse (commonly known as tik) has intensified gang warfare and spread its
tentacles into new areas, such as Khayelitsha and Nyanga, with devastating
consequences.

One of the core functions of the state is to provide security for its
citizens, which it does primarily through the institutions of the criminal
justice system - the police, the prosecution services, the courts, and
prisons. The role of the army is to defend South Africa's territorial
integrity on the basis of international law. It can only be deployed for
internal functions in emergencies.

The "spike" of gang violence in certain Cape Town suburbs over the last few
months (during which at least 23 people, including seven children, have
died) is such an emergency. Of the total number of deaths, 17 have occurred
in just two suburbs - Hanover Park and Lavender Hill. Many of the dead were
innocent bystanders, caught in the crossfire.

After careful consideration, I and my Cabinet colleagues have concluded that
the current situation is beyond the capacity of the South African Police
Service (SAPS) to control. They need the support of the South African
National Defence Force (SANDF) to restore order.

But the intervention of the army can only be temporary and must happen under
the command of the SAPS. Although we correctly describe the retributive
violence between gangs as "warfare", we are not in a civil war. This means
that the role of the army is merely to create the space for the police to do
their jobs effectively.

The question is, can they? The melt-down in the top hierarchy of the police
has cascaded down the ranks like wax off a burning candle. And it is showing
in low morale, high rates of absenteeism, and an inability to perform the
single most crucial function that the SAPS alone is constitutionally
empowered to undertake - investigations that produce evidence that lead to
convictions in court.

Effective investigative policing is the weakest link in a generally fragile
criminal justice chain. And until we get this right, we will not find a long
term solution to gang violence. The Metro Police cannot make up for SAPS
failures either. While the Metro Police have made 108 gang-related arrests
since January, they must hand the cases over to the SAPS for investigation.


Gangsters shoot-to-kill with impunity, and often in broad daylight, because
they believe they will get away with it. And they usually do. According to
the SAPS in the Western Cape, there has not been a single conviction over
the past three years in the 87 cases of gang-related murder and attempted
murder reported in Hanover Park. Although the Provincial Prosecution
authorities contest this statistic, we are unable to get alternative
information - which is part of the problem.  

So, I hear you ask, what the hell are you doing about this crisis? Stop
analysing it and DO something.  

My answer is: I (and the provincial government) are doing what we can. The
truth is that the Constitution empowers us to do very little when it comes
to policing and nothing at all when it comes to the SANDF, the prosecution
services and the rest of the criminal justice system. Under Section 206 of
the Constitution, the Province's powers are limited to "monitoring" and
"oversight" of the SAPS. And, as Premier, I also have the power to establish
a "commission of enquiry" to investigate "complaints of police inefficiency
or a breakdown in relations between the police and any community".

We are trying to use these powers to their full extent, while respecting the
requirement of "co-operative governance" mandated by the Constitution. Our
biggest problem is that, instead of recognising the value of provincial
"oversight" or "monitoring" to improve policing, the national Police
Minister Nathi Mthethwa, and previous Police Commissioners (particularly
General Bheki Cele) see this as a threat. For this reason, the provincial
police hierarchy has sought to prevent and impede the provincial
government's oversight powers at every turn.

They have, for example, denied us access to the most basic management
information we require. And they have even sought to prevent us monitoring
the work of police stations. 

To resolve this impasse (amongst other things) we are trying to define and
codify our duties of "monitoring" and "oversight" in a provincial law.
Earlier this year we sent out the "Western Cape Community Safety Bill" for
public comment. After months of delay, the national Ministry has informed us
that we are exceeding our constitutional mandate. And so our process is
further delayed by the requirement to seek additional legal advice to take
the matter further.

Our attempt, over the past seven months to establish a commission of enquiry
(to investigate the causes of vigilante murders in Khayelitsha) has met with
even more resistance. I have extended the deadline for comment from the SAPS
by several weeks in order to give the newly appointed Commissioner, General
Rhiya Phiyega, an opportunity to make an input. We hope she will see the
value of a partnership, where each sphere of government carries out its
assigned constitutional functions, and works together to overcome a serious
problem that confronts us all.

But even under present circumstances it is possible to identify the various
contributing factors which have resulted in the SAPS meltdown.

The first is the disbanding (under Jackie Selebi's watch) of the specialist
gang and drug units. I have little doubt this was a strategy to prevent
these crack units getting too close to the trail of the Commissioner's
former close friend, Glenn Agliotti.

The Western Cape government has continually lobbied for the reintroduction
of the specialist units, without success. A spokesman for national Minister
Mthetwha recently stated: "The introduction of specialised officers is not
an option. We are moving away from the silo approaches where individual
units work on their own. We want to see a more integrated approach."

I have always thought it ironic that the only "specialised unit" that has
survived is the "VIP Protection Unit". The Police Minister and other
politicians clearly recognise its value. And this reveals the hollowness of
their arguments against other "specialised units".

The assumption that an "integrated approach" can work is premised on having
outstanding police officers throughout the force. But the foundations have
collapsed. Unless the SAPS is rebuilt from the bottom up by recruiting young
people with the capacity and skills to do the job, we cannot hope to have an
efficient police force.

The small detective service (the nerve-centre of effective policing) is
massively over-burdened. And they have to contend with the difficulties of
collecting evidence in a context where most witnesses refuse to provide it.
This is not surprising given the retribution the gangs visit upon any
willing witness. In one of the most gruesome recent killings, an 18-year old
gangster shot and killed the 3 year old child of a family friend he accused
of reporting his illegal firearms to the police.  

There is a long uphill battle ahead in the fight against gangsterism and
drugs in the Western Cape. And the state cannot do it alone. Even the most
efficient criminal justice system cannot compensate for dysfunctional
families or absent and violent fathers. Parents have just as much
responsibility to "break the cycle" as we do. Neighbourhood watches,
Community Police Forums, NGOs and many mothers often play a heroic role in
holding these communities together and I pay tribute to them for doing so.
It is an absolute tragedy that some have become targets of gangsters,
demonstrating the extent of the crisis we face. Members of communities
actively trying to build and preserve safety deserve specific protection.

Our "Mass Opportunity and Development Centres" which operate at a range of
schools in poor communities after school hours, are designed to keep
children off the streets, out of the hands of drug dealers, and engaged in
productive activities before their parents return home from work.

If we are to turn around the crisis of Lavender Hill and Hanover Park (and
prevent it spreading) we must do so in a partnership, not only between the
three spheres of government, but with every member of the community as well.
That is what we mean when we say "better together".   

Sincerely yours,

 

Helen Zille

 

Take care,

 

David

 

David Raphael

 072 065 7223



 

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