http://www.strategypage.com/htmw/htterr/articles/20070107.aspx

 


It's Not Your Grandfathers Terrorism

January 7, 2007: The terrorist bombing at Madrid's Barajas Airport on
January 3rd, which killed two people and injured about 20, has been
"claimed" by the Basque separatist movement ETA. It was the first ETA
bombing in more than three years, and comes nine months after negotiations
led ETA to declare a "cease fire" in its forty-year for the independence of
the Basque provinces of northern Spain. 

Naturally, many voices across Spain condemned the attack, and the Spanish
government declared that the "peace process" was finished, and there were
calls for a more aggressive approach to eliminating ETA. But leading
spokesmen for Batasuna, the Basque separatist party that is generally
regarded as ETA's political wing, have distanced themselves from the attack.
In fact, the attack is uncharacteristic of ETA's past activities.
Historically, ETA attacks have tended to be focused on politicians, military
personnel, and police officers and officials, with very low risk to
"civilians." The attack in Madrid was different. This strongly suggests a
rift in the Basque nationalist movement. And that is nothing new in the
history of insurgencies and resistance movements. 

Consider the Irish Republican Army. The original IRA won independence for
most of Ireland in the early 1920s. But some elements in the movement
refused to accept the settlement, because it left Britain in control of
Northern Ireland. This led to civil war, and a continuing series of
on-again, off-again terrorist campaigns by splinter factions, usually
against British interests in Northern Ireland (fueled by the resentment of
Catholics to blatantly discriminatory treatment), and occasionally in the
Republic, which officially opposes the use of terror. And Americans may
perhaps recall events such as the 1790s "Shay's Rebellion" (a/k/a "The
Whiskey Rebellion,")  in which some of the "Patriots" needed to be reminded
that the American Revolution was not against the idea of government, but
against non-participatory government.

Success by an insurgency usually is measured by some sort of compromise.
This often leaves some of the more committed rebels unhappy, for a variety
of reasons. Perhaps they "want it all," everything the "revolution" was
fighting for, even if it wasn't actually fighting for it. For example, the
Algerian Revolution against France in the '50s was a nationalist movement,
but some of the nationalists thought of it as a religious war, which has led
to protracted  religious insurgency in the country. And some of the rebels
are often motivated more by a hankering for killing people and blowing
things up, than any ideological goal.

In the past, the fringe elements of movements like the IRA or ETA could
continue the fight for decades. Under continuous secret service pressure,
such groups would tend to splinter into smaller and smaller fragments, over
ideology, or as popular support waxed or waned, or as their leaders cut
deals to retire from the fight. As the history of the various manifestations
of the IRA demonstrates, such "wars" can drag on indefinitely, characterized
by sporadic incidents and usually low casualties rates. 

There are important lessons here for the "Global War on Terror." Anyone can
engage be a terrorist. Defeating the "leadership" will not necessarily end
the conflict. In fact, there doesn't have to be a "leadership" at all.
Anyone with an alleged-grievance or a "vision" can undertake his own "war."
This has happened in the past. New York City had "Mad Bomber" George Metesky
in the '40s and '50s. The "American Republican Army" undertook two bombings
in 1961. The "Unabomber", Theodore J. Kaczynski, was active from the 1970s
to the '90s. These were actions of "super-empowered individuals," people
with grievances and access to explosives. But there's a difference between
the past and the present.

The world is now characterized by the near-instantaneous proliferation of
information and misinformation, ease-to-use communication systems, and
technologies that provide cheap, readily improvised WMD capabilities. At the
same time, the development of our cultural, social, economic, industrial,
and political structures offers vulnerabilities never dreamed of by earlier
terrorists. This presents unprecedented problems for security forces,
problems that are neither purely military nor purely law enforcement, but a
mixture of both, with a lot of complex intelligence demands. All this places
complex strains on governmental jurisdictions, and the intersection of the
public and private sectors, not to mention civil liberties, cultural
traditions, and privacy.

Welcome to "the New Terrorism."



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