Thursday, May 19, 2011 05:20 ET 
The illegal war in Libya
By Glenn Greenwald <http://www.salon.com/author/glenn_greenwald/index.html>


(updated below - Update II) 

"The President does not have power under the Constitution to unilaterally
authorize a military attack in a situation that does not involve stopping an
actual or imminent threat to the nation" -- candidate Barack Obama,
December, 2007
<http://www.boston.com/news/politics/2008/specials/CandidateQA/ObamaQA/>  

"No more ignoring the law when it's inconvenient. That is not who we are. .
. . We will again set an example for the world that the law is not subject
to the whims of stubborn rulers" -- candidate Barack Obama, August 1, 2007
<http://my.barackobama.com/page/community/post_group/ObamaHQ/CpHR> 

_______________________

When President Obama ordered the U.S. military to wage war in Libya without
Congressional approval (even though, to use his words, it did "not involve
stopping an actual or imminent threat to the nation"), the administration
and its defenders claimed he had legal authority to do so for two reasons:
(1) the War Powers Resolution of 1973 (WPR) authorizes the President to wage
war for 60 days without Congress, and (2) the "time-limited, well defined
and discrete" nature of the mission meant that it was not really a "war"
under the Constitution ( Deputy NSA Adviser Ben Rhodes
<http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2011/03/22/obama-face-legal-limits-libyan-i
ntervention-drags/>  and the Obama OLC
<http://www.lawfareblog.com/2011/04/a-point-by-point-summary-of-olcs-libya-m
emo/> ).  Those claims were specious from the start, but are unquestionably
inapplicable now.

>From the start, the WPR provided no such authority.  Section 1541(c)
explicitly states
<http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/50/usc_sec_50_00001541----000-.html>
that the war-making rights conferred by the statute apply only to "a
national emergency created by attack upon the United States, its territories
or possessions, or its armed forces."  That's why Yale Law Professor Bruce
Ackerman -- in an article in
<http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/03/24/obama_s_unconstitutional_w
ar> Foreign Policy
<http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/03/24/obama_s_unconstitutional_w
ar>  entitled "Obama's Unconstitutional War" -- wrote when the war started
that the "The War Powers Resolution doesn't authorize a single day of Libyan
bombing" and that "in taking the country into a war with Libya, Barack
Obama's administration is breaking new ground in its construction of an
imperial presidency."  

Ackerman detailed why Obama's sweeping claims of war powers exceeded that
even of past controversial precedents, such as Clinton's 1999 bombing of
Kosovo, which at least had the excuse that Congress authorized funding for
it: "but Obama can't even take advantage of this same desperate expedient,
since Congress has appropriated no funds for the Libyan war."  The Nation
<http://www.thenation.com/blog/160051/war-powers-challenge-obamas-libya-proj
ect>  's John Nichols explained
<http://www.thenation.com/blog/160051/war-powers-challenge-obamas-libya-proj
ect>  that Obama's unilateral decision "was a violation of the provision in
the founding document that requires the executive to attain authorization
from Congress before launching military adventures abroad."  Put simply, as
Daniel Larison concluded in an excellent analysis last week
<http://www.amconmag.com/larison/2011/05/12/yes-the-libyan-war-is-illegal/>
, "the war was illegal from the start."

But even for those who chose to cling to the fiction that the presidential
war in Libya was authorized by the WPR, that fiction is now coming to a
crashing end.  Friday will mark the 60th day of the war without Congress
<http://www.dailykos.com/story/2011/05/18/977183/-Libya-Triggers-War-Powers-
Act-Deadline-This-Friday> , and there are no plans for authorization to be
provided.  By all appearances, the White House isn't even bothering to
pretend to seek one.  A handful of GOP Senators
<http://politicalticker.blogs.cnn.com/2011/05/18/republican-senators-press-p
resident-on-war-powers-deadline/>  -- ones who of course showed no interest
whatsoever during the Bush years in demanding presidential adherence to the
law -- are now demanding a vote on Libya, but it's highly likely that the
Democrats who control the Senate won't allow one.  Instead, the law will
simply be ignored by the President who declared, when bashing George Bush on
the campaign trail to throngs of cheering progressives: "No more ignoring
the law when it's inconvenient. That is not who we are."

One of the questions often asked during the Bush years was why Bush/Cheney
were so brazen in violating Congressional statutes given that the post-9/11
Congress would have given them whatever authority they wanted to do whatever
they wanted; the answer was clear: because they wanted to establish the
"principle" that they had the power to do anything without getting anyone's
permission, including the American people's through their Congress or the
courts ("These decisions, under our Constitution, are for the President
alone to make," decreed John Yoo in his iconic September 25, 2001 memo
<http://glenngreenwald.blogspot.com/2006/01/ideology-of-lawlessness.html> ).


The same is true of Obama here.  There is little doubt that Congress would
subserviently comply -- as it always does -- with presidential demands for
war authorization.  The Obama White House is simply choosing not to seek it
because Obama officials want to bolster the unrestrained power of the
imperial presidency entrenched by Dick Cheney, David Addington and John Yoo,
and because that route avoids a messy debate about purpose, cost and exit
strategy.  Instead -- just as Bush/Cheney invented theories to justify even
direct violation of Congressional law (e.g., the AUMF implicitly allowed us
to eavesdrop on Americans without warrants in violation of FISA) -- the
Obama administration is now
<http://www.nytimes.com/2011/05/13/world/africa/13powers.html> , as The New
York Times put it, "trying to come up with a plausible theory for why
continued participation by the United States does not violate the law."
Those potential "theories" -- that the U.S. can stop bombing for a moment,
claim the war ended, and then resume bombing on the basis that the momentary
pause reset the WPR clock, or that NATO's command means the U.S. is not
really at war -- are ludicrous on their face, but highlight how eager the
White House is to avoid seeking a vote that might dilute the President's
seized unilateral war-making power  (Ackerman and Yale Professor Oona
Hathaway have a
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/death-of-the-war-powers-act/2011/05/
17/AF3Jh35G_story.html> Washington Post Op-Ed today
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/death-of-the-war-powers-act/2011/05/
17/AF3Jh35G_story.html>  deriding those absurd theories).

It was equally clear from the start that this Orwellian-named "kinetic
humanitarian action <http://alittleleftofright.com/?p=251> " was, in fact, a
"war" in every sense, including the Constitutional sense, but that's
especially undeniable now.  While the President, in his after-the-fact
speech justifying the war
<http://www.politico.com/news/stories/0311/52093.html#ixzz1JbuIcfBM> ,
pledged that "broadening our military mission to include regime change would
be a mistake," it is now clear that is exactly what is happening.  "Regime
change" quickly became the explicit goal
<http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/africaandindianocean/libya/845287
7/The-bombing-continues-until-Gaddafi-goes.html> . NATO has repeatedly
sought to kill Gadaffi with bombs
<http://rt.com/news/nato-gaddafi-killing-airstrikes/> ; one attack killed
his youngest son and three grandchildren
<http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2011-04-29/libyan-forces-keep-up-attacks-as-n
ato-shifts-to-target-qaddafi-s-troops.html>  and almost killed his whole
family including his wife, forcing them to flee to Tunisia
<http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/may/19/muammar-gaddafi-family-tunisia>
.  If sending your armed forces and its AC-130s and drones to another
country to attack that country's military and kill its leader isn't a "war,"
then nothing is.

It's extraordinary how rapidly and brazenly the initial claims about the war
were discarded.  The notion that we were simply going to establish a no-fly
zone to protect civilians in Benghazi behind the leadership of the Arab
League -- remember all that?
<http://www.cbc.ca/news/world/story/2011/03/12/libya-arab-league-legitimacy-
239.html>   -- is a faded, laughable memory.  Former U.N. Secretary General
Kofi Annan, originally supportive of the mission in Libya, explained the
obvious about NATO in an interview this week
<http://www.ft.com/cms/s/2/c2d31f14-7caa-11e0-b9e3-00144feabdc0.html#ixzz1Mn
O7OhOn> :  "they've crossed a line and are now part of the civil war and
fighting on one side of the civil war."  One can now say many things about
this war; that it is "time-limited, well defined and discrete" is most
assuredly not among them.

The excuses offered to justify or excuse all of this are unpersuasive in the
extreme.  Some point out
<http://yglesias.thinkprogress.org/2011/05/congress-doesnt-want-power-over-w
hether-or-not-the-united-states-keeps-bombing-libya/?utm_source=feedburner&u
tm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+matthewyglesias+%28Matthew+Yglesias%29>
that Congress is content with having the President seize its war-making
powers; that's true, but the same was true of Congress under both parties in
the face of Bush/Cheney radicalism (Dan Froomkin wrote in 2007
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/blog/2007/12/13/BL200712130113
4.html>  that "historians looking back on the Bush presidency may well
wonder if Congress actually existed").  Nobody back then suggested this
inaction excused Bush's lawbreaking.  That Congress acquiesces simply means
-- like Obama's protection of Bush crimes -- that the President will get
away with this lawbreaking, not that it's justified.  

Nor do the instances of past illegal wars provide any excuse.  Past
lawlessness does not justify current lawlessness.  Beyond that, Professors
Ackerman and Hathaway argue today that Libya will create an all new and
dangerous precedent for the imperial presidency:

Once Obama crosses the Rubicon, future presidents will simply cite Libya
when they unilaterally commit America to far more ambitious NATO campaigns.

Make no mistake: Obama is breaking new ground, moving decisively beyond his
predecessors. George W. Bush gained congressional approval for his wars in
Afghanistan and Iraq. Bill Clinton acted unilaterally when he committed
American forces to NATO's bombing campaign in Kosovo, but he persuaded
Congress to approve special funding for his initiative within 60 days. And
the entire operation ended on its 78th day.

In contrast, Congress has not granted special funds for Libya since the
bombing began, and the campaign is likely to continue beyond the 30-day
limit set for termination of all operations. . . .

If nothing happens, history will say that the War Powers Act was condemned
to a quiet death by a president who had solemnly pledged, on the campaign
trail, to put an end to indiscriminate warmaking. 

That the American people must approve of wars through their Congress is no
legalistic technicality (and as my very British NYU Criminal Law Professor,
Graham Hughes, dryly said of his arrival in the U.S. and initial exposure to
TV debates about criminal defendants "getting off on technicalities":  "I
had never before been in a country where people refer to their Constitution
as a 'technicality'").  The whole point of the Article I, Section 8
requirement is that democratic debate and consent is necessary to prevent
Presidents from starting self-aggrandizing wars without real limits on
duration, cost and purpose; the WPR was enacted after the Vietnam debacle to
prevent its repeat. 

This war, without Congressional authorization, is illegal in every relevant
sense:  Constitutionally and statutorily.   That was true from its start but
is especially true now.  If one wants to take the position that it's not
particularly important or damaging for a President to illegally start and
sustain protracted wars on his own, then it's hard to see what would be
important.  That is the ultimate expression of a lawless empire.

* * * * * 

A 37-year-old detainee reportedly committed suicide at Guantanamo last night
<http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5icCv37-enO2DV2K0NrTsG0GD
Gqxw?docId=CNG.e7459ec211aa508359c74a0a17edc369.351> ; if true, he will have
become the 6th 8th detainee (by the dubious official count
<http://www.harpers.org/archive/2010/01/hbc-90006368> ) to have ended his
own life at that camp (with two others dying of "natural causes).

 

UPDATE:  Donald Rumsfeld's former Chief of Staff at the Pentagon, Keith
Urbahn, wrote the following on Twitter
<http://twitter.com/keithurbahn/status/71237867246075904>  earlier today:

http://www.salon.com/news/opinion/glenn_greenwald/2011/05/19/libya/index.htm
l 





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